Feingold (and ACLU): I Told Congress So

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I’ll have more on this shortly. But if I were Feingold, my statement about the abuse of the warrantless wiretapping program would have been even stronger.

Since 2001, I have spent a lot of time in the Intelligence Committee, the Judiciary Committee, and on the floor of the Senate bringing attention to both the possible and actual effects of legislation that has dangerously expanded the power of the executive branch to spy on innocent Americans.  Despite these efforts, Congress insisted on enacting several measures including the USA PATRIOT Act, the Protect America Act, and the FISA Amendments Act, embarking on a tragic retreat from the principles that had governed the sensitive area of government surveillance for the previous three decades.  Congress must get to work fixing these laws that have eroded the privacy and civil liberties of law-abiding citizens. In addition, the administration should declassify certain aspects of how these authorities have been used so that the American people can better understand their scope and impact. [my emphasis]

Update: Caroline Fredrickson of the ACLU engages in some well-earned "I told you so" speech, too.

“Congress was repeatedly warned that this type of abuse would be the obvious outcome of passing the FISA Amendments Act,” said Caroline Fredrickson, Director of the ACLU Washington Legislative Office. “Congressional leadership promised after this law’s passage that it would be reexamined along with the Patriot Act. It’s time to fulfill that promise and restore the checks and balances of our surveillance system. Warrantless surveillance has no place in an America we can be proud of. These revelations make it clear that Congress must now make a commitment to rein in government surveillance.”

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Did Holder Know About the “Significant Misconduct” When DOJ Claimed Sovereign Immunity?

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On April 3, DOJ submitted a filing that argued that no citizen had the ability to sue if she had been wrongly wiretapped under Bush’s illegal wiretap program. The government, DOJ claimed, had sovereign immunity that protected it from such suits.

As set forth below, in the Wiretap Act and ECPA, Congress expressly preserved sovereign immunity against claims for damages and equitable relief, permitting such claims against only a “person or entity, other than the United States.” See 18 U.S.C. § 2520; 18 U.S.C. § 2707. Plaintiffs attempt to locate a waiver of sovereign immunity in other statutory provisions, primarily through a cause of action authorized by the Stored Communications Act, 18 U.S.C. § 2712, but this attempt fails. Section 2712 does not erase the express reservations of sovereign immunity noted above, because it applies solely to a narrow set of allegations not presented here: where the Government obtains information about a person through intelligence-gathering, and Government agents unlawfully disclose that information. Likewise, the Government preserves its position that Congress also has not waived sovereign immunity under in FISA to permit a damages claim against the United States.

Today, just 11 days later, we learn that,

As part of [presumably Glenn Fine’s  Inspector General] investigation [into the warrantless wiretap program], a senior F.B.I. agent recently came forward with what the inspector general’s office described as allegations of “significant misconduct” in the surveillance program, people with knowledge of the investigation said. Those allegations are said to involve the question of whether the N.S.A. targeted Americans in eavesdropping operations based on insufficient evidence tying them to terrorism.

So when Eric Holder’s DOJ made expansive claims arguing that no one could sue federal employees for being wrongly wiretapped under Bush’s illegal program, did he know this revelation from Glenn Fine’s investigation into the wiretapping program? When DOJ claimed sovreign immunity, were they thinking not so much of the Jewel plaintiffs, whose claim was focused on the dragnet collection of US person data, but of the Americans targeted in what Glenn Fine’s office considers "significant misconduct"?

Because if Holder did know (and the timing suggests it is quite likely he did), it makes those cynical claims of sovereign immunity all the more disturbing.

Fine’s investigation will contribute to the larger FAA-mandated Inspector General’s for which there is a presumption of openness. In other words, even if this hadn’t been leaked now, in April, it is supposed to be published in unclassified form in July. Read more →

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Lichtblau and Risen Report Illegal Wiretapping of Americans … Again

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It’s pretty pathetic that, three years after they first broke the story of the Bush’s illegal wiretap program, Eric Lichtblau and James Risen are still reporting on illegal warrantless wiretapping of Americans.

Their story has two main revelations. First, in preparation for Holder’s first semi-annual certification of the FISA program to the FISC, NSA realized it was not complying with the law.

In recent weeks, the eavesdropping agency notified members of the congressional intelligence committees that it has encountered operational and legal problems in complying with the new wiretapping law, according to congressional officials .

Officials would not discuss details of the over-collection problem because it involves classified intelligence-gathering techniques. But the issue appears focused in part on technical problems in the N.S.A.’s inability at times to distinguish between communications inside the United States and those overseas as it uses its access to American telecommunications companies’ fiber-optic lines and its own spy satellites to intercept millions of calls and e-mails.

One official said that led the agency to inadvertently “target” groups of Americans and collect their domestic communications without proper court authority.

Sort of funny how this illegal collection wasn’t discovered six months ago, while Bush was still in charge, huh?

From the sounds of things, though, this was not just a technical violation–it flouted the few protections included in the FISA Amendment Act for civil liberties (which almost certainly means minimization, because there aren’t many other civil liberties protections in FAA). 

Notified of the problems by the N.S.A., officials with both the House and Senate intelligence committees said they had concerns that the N.S.A. had ignored civil liberties safeguards built into last year’s wiretapping law.

In addition to these ongoing violations of Americans’ privacy, the ongoing Inspector General investigation has discovered more troubling incidents when the warrantless wiretapping program was deliberately used under Bush to target–among other people–a Congressman traveling overseas.

As part of that investigation, a senior F.B.I. agent recently came forward with what the inspector general’s office described as allegations of “significant misconduct” in the surveillance program, people with knowledge of the investigation said. Those allegations are said to involve the question of whether the N.S.A. targeted Americans in eavesdropping operations based on insufficient evidence tying them to terrorism.

And in one previously undisclosed episode, the N.S.A. tried to wiretap a member of Congress without a warrant, according to a U.S. intelligence official with direct knowledge of the matter.

Read more →

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Credit Where Due: Keith Olbermann Edition

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I watch Keith Olbermann, and his Countdown show on MSNBC, pretty much daily, but I have been critical of him in the past, most notably in his unflinching willingness to blindly support Barack Obama’s adoption of Bush/Cheney policies on civil liberties/surveillance and torture/detention. A prime example of this was my response to Olbermann and John Dean when they conjured up a ridiculous explanation to cover for Obama’s about face on FISA retroactive immunity last summer prior to the election. In The Obama & Olbermann Master Plan For Criminal FISA Prosecutions, I said:

Okay, the words "Master Plan" in the title are a joke. So is the idea of criminal prosecutions, by a future Obama Administration, for Bush era FISA violations that has been hawked, to the point of near belligerence, by Keith Olbermann both on his show and in a running flame war with Glen Greenwald. The instant article will attempt to relate some of the glaring reasons, from a practical criminal justice perspective, that the Obama/Olbermann master plan is naive, almost to the point of being comical. Comical that is if we were not literally discussing the life and spirit of the Fourth Amendment and the health and well being of the Constitutional rule of law in this country.

Well that was then, this is now. That was the right thing to say then, but now it is time to give Keith Olbermann some very deserved credit. The last two nights, Countdown has dedicated substantial time to the depressing and maddening adoption by the Obama Administration of the tricks and artifices of the Bush/Cheney regime. For a review of Keith’s work in this regard Monday night with guest Jonathan Turley, see Glenn Greenwald at Salon who, in writing this, I have discovered had the same urge to give credit where due that I feel here.

Tonight, Keith had on Kevin Bankston of the EFF, who has been on the front line of the consolidated suits pending in front of Judge Vaughn Walker from the outset, and is lead on the new hot button case of Jewel v. NSA described here by Marcy. As the EFF press release states about Jewel:

The Obama Administration goes two steps further than Bush did, and claims that the US PATRIOT Act also renders the U.S. immune from suit under the two remaining key federal surveillance laws: the Wiretap Act and Read more →

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The Latest State Secrets Claim

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Yes, I know, I’ve been so preoccupied trying to save my state from JP Morgan Chase that I have not yet commented on the Obama Administration’s latest Cheneyesque invocation of state secrets, in the EFF/Jewel case. Of course, that means some smart lawyers have already beat up the filing on legal grounds. So I thought I’d focus my attention on tactical issues.

Three Interlocking Cases

Before I do that though, let’s review what this suit is and what else is going on. As Glenn pointed out, EFF filed this suit after Jello Jay Rockefeller, the patron saint of the awful FISA Amendment Act last year (and a big Obama backer), claimed during deliberations on that bill that,

…lawsuits against the government can go forward. There is little doubt that the government was operating in, at best, a legal gray area. If administration officials abused their power or improperly violated the privacy of innocent people, they must be held accountable. That is exactly why we rejected the White House’s year-long push for blanket immunity covering government officials.

Now, I don’t believe for a millisecond that Jello Jay actually intended for lawsuits to go forward–he was, instead, trying to dismiss opposition to immunity–but nevertheless, the legislative record on FISA now reflects that the bill’s sponsor thinks citizens should be able to sue those who illegally wiretapped.

Meanwhile, of course, there are two decisions still pending (as far as we know) before the judge in this case, Vaughn Walker. The first is the al-Haramain suit, in which the 9th Circuit already decided the warrantless wiretap program was a properly invoked state secret, but in which al-Haramain’s suit will probably go forward because Walker ruled the charity had proved it was an aggrieved party without the materials over which Bush invoked state secrets. Now (again, as far as we know), Walker is looking at the wiretap log and the other classified briefs submitted in the case, and deciding whether al-Haramain has standing (and therefore, whether the Bush Administration violated FISA). If and when Walker rules that the Bush Administration did violate FISA, there will be a giant fight over whether he, or the Administration, gets to decide which documents in that case will be made public and/or available to al-Haramain’s lawyers. (Contrary to almost all the reporting in the case, Walker has not yet decided whether or not he would require the government to hand over the wiretap logs and other briefs decribing the warrantless wiretap program.)

Read more →

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Cheney’s Stay Behind

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By now, you’ve heard Sy Hersh’s explanation for why he hasn’t yet gotten the flood of revelations about the Bush Administration he had expected.

HERSH: I’ll make it worse. I think he’s put people left. He’s put people back. They call it a stay behind. It’s sort of an intelligence term of art. When you leave a country and, you know, you’ve driven out the, you know, you’ve lost the war. You leave people behind. It’s a stay behind that you can continue to contacts with, to do sabotage, whatever you want to do. Cheney’s left a stay behind. He’s got people in a lot of agencies that still tell him what’s going on. Particularly in defense, obviously. Also in the NSA, there’s still people that talk to him. He still knows what’s going on. Can he still control policy up to a point? Probably up to a point, a minor point. But he’s still there. He’s still a presence. [my emphasis]

This is not remotely surprising. We discussed the likelihood this was happening just days after Obama took over, as dead-enders tried to spike Obama’s promise to withdraw from Iraq. And there has been a ton of reporting on the burrowing of loyal appointees that Cheney accomplished before leaving.

But Hersh’s report that such stay behind includes NSA is of particular concern.

Not only does this raise concerns about the warrantless wiretap program and its use (particularly given reports that the NSA was segregating contacts with journalists, like Hersh, who has lots of contacts in the Middle East). But it raises concerns about whether or not Cheney sustains the practice–publicized during the John Bolton confirmation hearings–of getting the US person end of NSA intercepts (I have no idea whether Cheney would do this through dead-enders, whether he’s getting that much more directly, or whether he’s getting help from Israelis involved in our wiretap programs). A number of people suspected that Bolton had used NSA intercepts to undermine North Korean diplomacy (among other things). Such a practice obviously fits Cheney’s MO.

Yet more reason we need to reassess our use of electronic wiretapping  within the US.

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What the Scope of the IG Report on Warrantless Wiretapping Tells Us

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Remember how when Congress passed the FISA Amendment Act last year, they required that the Inspectors General of the various agencies involved in the warrantless wiretapping produce a report on the program? They did an interim report–basically describing the scope of the report–last September (and produced in unclassified form last November). It took Secrecy News pulling teeth to get this released (six months after the fact), but here is the interim report.

General Scope

I’m going to show you the whole scope-related section, then unpack it line by line.

The DoJ IG is completing work on a broadly-scoped review of the Program, which the DoJ IG has been conducting over the past 18 months. In accord with its normal procedures and consistent with classification requirements, the DoJ IG will release its report when completed. The DoJ IG’s review examines the involvement of the DoJ and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in the Program, including the use of and control over Program information; compliance with relevant authorities governing the Program as these authorities changed over time; and the impact and effectiveness of Program information on DoJ’s and FBI’s counterterrorism efforts. The review also describes various legal assessments of the Program, legal and operational changes to the Program, any use of Program information in the FISA process, and the transition to Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court orders related to the Program.

The NSA IG’s review will examine the evolution of the Presidential authorization as it affected NSA, the technical operation of the Program, the preparation and dissemination of the product of the Program, and communications with and representations made to private sector entities. The review will address access by NSA to legal reviews and information concerning the Program and will also examine NSA’s interaction with the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court and the transition of Program activities to operations under court orders. The review will also include a description of NSA’s oversight of the Program. To conduct the review of the Program, the NSA IG will both initiate new work and draw upon a substantial body of completed evaluations.

The DoD IG will examine the involvement of the Office of the Secretary of Defense in the establishment and implementation of the Program.

The ODNI IG will examine the involvement of DNI senior leadership in the Program and DNI communication with private-sector entities concerning the Program. Read more →

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Durbin and Whitehouse: Why Did Mukasey Give OLC a Peek at the Yoo/Bradbury Results?

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Dick Durbin and Sheldon Whitehouse want to know why the Office of Professional Responsibility gave OLC a chance to review their report on John Yoo’s and Steven Bradbury’s torture memos.

Just last week, they got a response from DOJ on the process the OPR review has gone through, revealing that the report already integrated comments from Mukasey and "OLC" (whose acting head was Steven Bradbury), and was giving Bradbury, Yoo, and Jay Bybee an opportunity to comment, as well. It will take "substantial time" before this review process is done, DOJ says.

OPR has completed its investigation of this matter and in late December 2008, provided the draft report to Attorney General Mukasey and invited comment. Attorney General Mukasey shared the report with Deputy Attorney General Filip and OLC. Thereafter, Attorney General Mukasey, Deputy Attorney General Filip and OLC provided comments, and OPR revised the draft report to the extent it deemed appropriate based on those comments.

In addition, during the course of the investigation, counsel for the former Department attorneys asked OPR for an opportunity to review and comment on the report prior to any disclosure of its results to Congress or the public. Attorney General Mukasey and Deputy Attorney General Filip likewise requested that OPR provide the former Department attorneys with such an opportunity. For these reasons, OPR is now in the process of sharing the revised draft report with them. When the review and comment period is concluded, OPR intends to review the comments submitted and make any modifications it deems appropriate to the findings and conclusions. OPR will then provide a final report to the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General. After any additional review they deem appropriate, the Department will determine what disclosures should be made. Due to the complexity and classification level of the draft report, the review process described above likely will require substantial time and effort.

Which of course raises a whole slew of questions, some of which Durbin and Whitehouse have now posed to DOJ. Such as whether OLC’s review of the document influenced Steven Bradbury’s January 15 OLC memo withdrawing certain earlier opinions. 

Your letter does not indicate whether Steven Bradbury was recused from reviewing and providing comments on the draft report.  Mr. Bradbury, who was then the Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General of OLC, is reportedly a subject of the OPR investigation. Read more →

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“Reasonable grounds to conclude”

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In honor of what appears to be warrantless wiretap day here at emptywheel, I’ve got myself lost in some hopeless weeds. Among other things, I decided to compare the unclassified declarations DNI and NSA submitted in the ACLU case on May 27, 2006 (I’m not positive, but I think they submitted identical declarations in the other pending warrantless wiretap cases) with those submitted in the al-Haramain case on June 21, 2006. (Note, in both cases, classified filings were submitted at the same time, but we don’t get to see those.)

Here they are:

ACLU: DNI John Negroponte declaration, Major General Richard Quirk (NSA) declaration

al-Haramain: DNI John Negroponte declaration, Lieutenant General Keith Alexander (NSA) declaration

As you’ll see, these declarations are almost the same in many respects, though subtly different particularly in how they discuss the warrantless wiretap program and whether or not they can disclose that someone has been wiretapped.

For the moment, I’m most interested in how they describe the warrantless wiretap program.

In the ACLU case (and the CCR case), the government claimed,

… President of United States authorized the NSA to utilize its SIGINT capabilities to collect certain "one-end foreign" communications where one party is associated with the al Qaeda terrorist organization …

In the al-Haramain case a month later, the government said,

… President of United States authorized the NSA to utilize its SIGINT capabilities to collect certain international communications originating or terminating in the United States where there was reasonable grounds to conclude that one party to the communication is a member or agent of al Qaeda or an affiliated terrorist organization. 

In a case where no one had proof they’d been tapped, NSA and DNI claimed that they were only using the program where "one party is associated with" al Qaeda. But in a case where the plaintiff knew they had been tapped, the government weakened their claim to "reasonable grounds to conclude … one party is a member or agent of al Qaeda or an affiliated terrorist organization."

How much, in the month longer it took them to invoke state secrets in al-Haramain, do you think they pondered the possibility that a judge would demand proof that al-Haramain "is associated with" al Qaeda?

And yes, I’m waiting for William Ockham and MadDog to explain what they make of the switch from "one-end foreign" to "international communications originating or terminating in the United States." Read more →

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Declining Justice: DOJ Lets Statute Run On Bush Criminality

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graphic by politicalbase

graphic by politicalbase

On March 10, 2009 Emptywheel noted that the five year statute of limitation on the initial criminal wiretapping acts by the Bush/Cheney Administration were expiring.

…the statute of limitations on the potentially criminal March 11 wiretaps of Belew expire today. By all appearances, that means the statute will expire without George Bush being punished for illegally wiretapping an American citizen, even though clear evidence of that criminal wiretapping almost certainly exists.

This is because the one period of time that it is crystal clear that the Bush/Cheney surveillance program was operating without legal sanction was subsequent to the hospital incident:

On March 11, 2004, remember, the warrantless wiretap program was operating without the approval of the Acting Attorney General. After Jim Comey refused to recertify the program on March 9, after Andy Card and Alberto Gonzales tried to get John Ashcroft to overrule Comey from his ICU bed on March 10, Bush reauthorized the program using only the legal sanction of then-White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales on March 11.

Thus, even if the rest of the program were somehow deemed legal (which it wouldn’t be, because it violated FISA, which is the question at hand), it would be not be deemed legal on March 11, 2004, because the program didn’t have sanction from the Attorney General.

There are, or were at least, three critical dates on which the lawyers for the al-Haramain organization knew themselves to be wiretapped that occurred during the period in which criminality would undoubtedly attach, March 10, 11 and 25 of 2004. It is believed that the program was reinstated under formal footing (as opposed to being run on Alberto Gonzales’ worthless signature as was the case in the days after the hospital incident) in early April, 2004. So, while Emptywheel gave the obituary on the expiration of the first two dates of known criminal culpability, I am here to give the post mortem on the last. It died at 12 pm Eastern time last night.

Now the one entity that has, and has had all along, the proof of the Bush/Cheney criminality in its hot little hands is the United States Department of Justice. You would think that the national press would be swimming with articles about the DOJ declining to pursue Executive Branch crimes in the biggest conspiracy against American citizens in the history of the country. But nary a peep. Read more →

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