Trump Fired Inspectors General Who Identified $183.5 Billion in Waste, Fraud, and Abuse

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There have and will be a slew of lawsuits in response to Trump’s attack on government. But this lawsuit, from eight of the Inspectors General that Trump fired on January 24, has been much anticipated. [docket]

That’s partly because Congress just strengthened the laws protecting Inspectors Generals, in response to Trump’s firing of some in his first term, as the suit lays out.

63. Congress responded in 2022 by further amending the IG Act. The Securing Inspector General Independence Act of 2022, see supra ¶6, enacted by overwhelming margins in both houses of Congress, procedural protections before an IG can be removed or placed on nonduty status, designated that a “first assistant” would automatically replace an IG in the event of a vacancy, and required the President to communicate reasons for not making a formal nomination to fill an IG vacancy after a certain period of time.

64. The 2022 amendments also strengthened the procedural safeguards on removing an IG. Prior to the amendments, the IG Act had required the President to provide 30 days’ notice to both houses of Congress and “reasons for any such removal.” The 2022 amendments require the President to provide 30 days’ notice to both houses of Congress, including appropriate congressional committees, and to “communicate in writing the substantive rationale, including detailed and case-specific reasons, for any such removal.” 5 U.S.C. §403(b). With the 2022 amendments included, the relevant provisions now reads as follows:

An Inspector General may be removed from office by the President. If an Inspector General is removed from office or is transferred to another position or location within an establishment, the President shall communicate in writing the substantive rationale, including detailed and case-specific reasons for any such removal or transfer to both Houses of Congress (including to the appropriate congressional committees), not later than 30 days before the removal or transfer. Nothing in this subsection shall prohibit a personnel action otherwise authorized by law, other than transfer or removal.

65. These procedural provisions ensure that Congress or members of Congress can, if it or they deem it appropriate, seek to persuade the President not to go forward with a noticed removal. Indeed, the legislative history of the Inspector General Reform Act indicates that Congress added the notice requirement to “allow for an appropriate dialogue with Congress in the event that the planned transfer or removal is viewed as an inappropriate or politically motivated attempt to terminate an effective Inspector General.” See S. Rep. No. 110-262, at 4 (2008)

If Congress has any power to limit how the President fires someone, then this suit will uphold that power (a large team from Wilmer Cutler, led by former Solicitor General Seth Waxman, are representing the plaintiffs).

But it’s also because the plaintiffs in this suit embody everything Trump claims he wants to do with DOGE. Elon Musk claims he’s hunting for waste, fraud, and corruption in government agencies he’s wildly unfamiliar with. These civil servants have been doing this, some of them, for four decades.

Indeed, one thing the suit lists, for each of the plaintiffs, is how much material impact they have had in their role (with one exception, exclusively in the IG position from which they were fired, which the report explains is:

“Monetary impact” describes the estimated financial savings or losses that could result from implementing recommendations made in an IG’s audits, inspections, or evaluations, essentially quantifying the potential cost-benefit of addressing issues like waste, fraud, and abuse in a government agency or program. See CIGIE, Toolkit for Identifying and Reporting Monetary Impact, at 1 (June 18, 2024), https://www.ignet.gov/sites/default/files/files/Toolkit%20for%20Identifying%20and%20Reporting%20Monetary%20Impact.pdf.

Some monetary-impact estimates reported herein also consider monetary benefits associated with IG investigations.

And while there’s some inconsistency in the reporting (for example, Sandra Bruce included stuff from when she was Acting IG during Trump’s first term whereas some of the others left out susbstantial terms in other IG roles, Larry Turner’s number — for Department of Labor — seems quite high, and Mike Ware does not include $30 billion seized or returned pursuant to investigations he oversaw), the Inspectors General describe identifying $183.5 billion in material impact.

As noted in this post, that includes substantial work cleaning up after COVID relief rolled out by Trump, particularly from Mike Ware, work which lead DOGE Treasury Official Thomas Krause relied on to suggest that DOGE could be effective. In Ware testimony to Congress that Krause cited, Ware described up to $200 billion in fraud just in Small Business related relief alone.

Using OIG’s investigative casework, prior OIG reporting, advanced data analytics, and additional review procedures, we estimate SBA disbursed more than $200 billion in potentially fraudulent COVID-19 EIDLs and PPP loans. This estimate represents approximately 17 percent of disbursed COVID-19 EIDLs and PPP funds — specifically, more than $136 billion COVID-19 EIDLs and $64 billion in PPP funds. Since SBA did not have an established strong internal control environment for approving and disbursing program funds, there was an insufficient barrier against fraudsters accessing funds that should have been available for eligible business owners adversely affected by the pandemic.

That’s what Trump did by firing Ware and the others: halt proven efforts to do what DOGE is incapable of — and only pretending — to do.

Which is another reason to keep an eye on this lawsuit.

Thomas Krause Says Trump Had to Close USAID because of Trump’s Poor COVID Management

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In the last few days, Trump has started doing a better job of messaging with his responses to lawsuits. I’ll attempt to explain that going forward. But one instance is the Thomas Krause declaration filed in the Attorneys General challenge to the DOGE access to Treasury systems (which I also wrote about in this post). Krause — still serving as the hatchet man CEO of Citrix (which probably creates a serious conflict) — uses his declaration to claim that he is attempting to “improve the accuracy of financial reporting.”

I am responsible, among other duties, for reducing and eliminating improper and fraudulent payments; waste, fraud, and abuse; and improving the accuracy of financial reporting. To that end, I am focused on improving the controls, processes, and systems that facilitate payments and enable consolidated financial reporting.

Later in the declaration, he provides a notably different explanation for his job.

My role on the Treasury DOGE Team is to find ways to use technology to make the Treasury Department more effective, more efficient, and more responsive to the policy goals of this Administration.

To justify the focus of DOGE, Krause cites several Biden-era GAO reports.

7. As illustrated by several reports released by the Government Accountability Office (GAO), we have our work cut out for us. On January 16, 2025, GAO released a report entitled “Financial Audit: FY2024 and FY2023 Consolidated Financial Statements of the U.S. Government.” In the report, GAO summarizes that they were not able to determine if the Financial Report of the U.S. Government is fairly presented. Among other reasons, GAO highlighted “problems in accounting for transactions between federal agencies.” GAO found many material weaknesses including “the federal government’s inability to determine the full extent to which improper payments, including fraud, occur and reasonably assure that appropriate actions are taken to reduce them.” GAO also reported that Treasury and Office of Management and Budget (OMB) officials expressed their continuing commitment to addressing the problems this report outlines. In short, the GAO report identifies the Federal government’s inability to account for all of the improper payments including waste, fraud and abuse across federal agencies.

8. On September 10, 2024, the GAO released a report entitled “Payment Integrity: Significant Improvements are Needed to Address Improper Payments and Fraud.” The report found that since 2003, cumulative improper payments1 by executive branch agencies have totaled about $2.7 trillion dollars. Some of GAO’s top concerns [1] included fraudulent or improper Earned Income Tax Credit refunds, Social Security payments, unemployment and Medicare and Medicaid payments. In fiscal year 2023 alone, federal agencies estimated $236 billion in improper payments across more than 70 federal programs. In addition, GAO estimated that the total annual financial losses across the government from fraud are between $233 and $521 billion. These numbers are truly staggering—billions and billions in hardearned American taxpayer dollars are being misspent every year. GAO highlighted a number of steps that Congress and federal agencies could take to help reduce fraud and improper payments, including that “[a]gencies should improve oversight to ensure that funds aren’t paid to ineligible recipients” [2] and that “[a]gencies should improve their collection and use of data for preventing and detecting fraud.” [3]

9. Similarly, GAO has identified areas for improvement in BFS’s systems related to identifying and tracing transactions to determine whether they were complete and properly recorded in the correct general ledger accounts and line items within the Schedules of the General Fund. See GAO Report, “Financial Statement Audit: Bureau of the Fiscal Service’s FY22 Schedules of the General Fund” (March 30, 2023). Specifically, GAO has found inconsistent reporting, lack of traceability, and need for improved controls with the Treasury’s Central Accounting and Reporting System (CARS), which federal agencies use to track their spending for budgetary and accounting purposes. These kinds of improvements and others can enhance BFS’s ability to ensure accountability in the spending of taxpayer dollars.

1 Improper payments and fraudulent payments are related but distinct concepts. An improper payment is a payment that should not have been made, or that was made with an incorrect amount; fraudulent payments occur due to willful misrepresentation. All fraudulent payments are improper, but not all improper payments are fraudulent. [emphasis and links added]

Elon Musk parroted a lot of this language at his presser at the White House yesterday (which is one reason I say they’re beginning to coordinate this better).

If you don’t look too closely, the declaration almost makes DOGE look smart. Except I decided to look at one of the reports — the second one — more closely.

And once I did, I realized that Thomas Krause is, in part, using Trump’s management failures during COVID as an excuse to start shutting down government. Start with the fact that the first agency Krause focused on after arriving at Treasury was USAID — pursuing his goal of making Treasury, “more responsive to the policy goals of this Administration.” But that’s not one of the high risk agencies, all of which have to do with direct payments.

Since 2003, which is when they first tracked the data, the amount of improper payments has steadily increased. But it has declined in recent years, under Biden.

 

There’s a reason for that. Look more closely at the estimated improper payments, their sources, and their timing. 

For longstanding programs — Medicare and Social Security, the ones Krause mentions in his declaration — the number of improper payments in recent years is about what it was under Trump. What has spiked in recent years (and then receded) are programs that expanded under COVID: Expanded Medicaid and unemployment access, and the PPP program rolled out under Trump, something Krause neglects to mention at [1]. A key thing this report measures is COVID mispayments — that is, improper payments made under programs set up under President Donald Trump, 1.0.

The quotes at [2] and [3] are not actually from the report. They’re from this website (which links to this report).

Many of the recommendations and data used in this report pertain to COVID or lessons learned from it. For example, the report recommends making the payment tracking center set up in response to COVID permanent.

Establish a permanent analytics center of excellence to aid the oversight community in identifying improper payments and fraud.28 This could be achieved by building upon and expanding PACE and making it permanent.

And it recommended building in such collection in case of any future emergency response — in part, to avoid the two to three year delay in finding these payments reflected in the table above.

Require OMB to (1) provide guidance for agencies to proactively develop internal control plans that would be ready for use in, or adaptation for, future emergencies or crises and (2) require agencies to report these plans to OMB and Congress.

Amend PIIA. Quickly reporting improper payment estimates for emergency relief programs is critical for agency accountability and transparency over whether appropriated funds were spent for their intended purposes. In addition, estimating improper payments and identifying root causes help ensure that agencies develop and implement corrective actions to reduce them.

In November 2020, we recommended that Congress consider, in any future legislation appropriating COVID-19 relief funds, designating all executive agency programs and activities that made more than $100 million in payments from COVID-19 relief funds as “susceptible to significant improper payments.31 Such a designation would require, among other things, agencies to report improper payment estimates for such a program and develop corrective actions to reduce improper payments. In March 2022, we recommended that Congress amend PIIA to apply this criterion to all new federal programs for their initial years of operation.32 The current approach resulted in 2-to-3 year delays in reporting improper payment estimates for short-term and emergency spending COVID relief programs.

Much of the fraud, too, pertains to COVID relief.

When it is discovered, the Department of Justice (DOJ) can bring charges of fraud against the alleged fraudsters. For example, DOJ has prosecuted over 2,000 COVID-19 fraud-related cases, and hundreds of additional cases are pending. We analyzed the department’s public statements and court documentation and found that, from March 2020 through March 2024, at least 1,998 individuals or entities facing fraud-related charges were found guilty or liable.16 This includes charges in cases involving SBA’s loan programs, DOL’s Unemployment Insurance (UI) programs, and Treasury’s economic impact payments. Of the individuals found guilty, at least 1,596 had been sentenced as of March 31, 2024, and many have also been ordered to pay restitution and fines. There were also federal fraud-related charges pending against at least 632 other individuals or entities involving federal COVID-19 relief programs, as of March 31, 2024.17 We expect the number to continue to increase as investigations take time to develop and given the significant number of investigative leads. For instance, SBA’s IG office reported that its actionable leads represent more than 100 years of investigative case work.18 The government has 10 years to prosecute individuals who committed fraud related to the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) and the COVID-19 Economic Injury Disaster Loan (EIDL) program.19 DOL’s IG has requested Congress similarly extend the statute of limitations for the pandemic relief UI programs as well.20 Additionally, in a June 2024 press release, the Internal Revenue Service requested to Congress that the statute of limitations for fraud be extended for the Employee Retention Credit.21 We support their requests.

Now, to be fair, there was likely to be overpayments and fraud regardless of who was in charge when COVID hit (or when avian flu and measles become pandemics in months ahead).

This is not all attributable to Trump’s COVID failures.

But one other thing about this report deserves mention: It is full of discussion of the role of Inspectors General in finding this fraud, including a bunch of the people Trump fired four days into his term — six of whom just filed suit today (which I’ll turn to shortly). Indeed, one of them — Mike Ware — is cited in the report Krause invoked.

18 Stolen Taxpayer Funds: Reviewing the SBA and OIG Reports of Fraud in Pandemic Lending Programs Hearing Before the House Committee on Small Business, 118th Cong. 45 (2023) (statement of Hannibal “Mike” Ware, Inspector General of U.S. Small Business Administration).

Thomas Krause says we need to fix the errors created by Trump’s poor management of COVID. But one of the first things Trump in his second term did was to fire the people who’ve done the most to do so.

Update: Corrected Mike Ware’s last name.

Update: I’ve linked Ware’s testimony, above. Among other things, he estimated that SBC IG identified up to $200 billion in fraudulent COVID relief.

Using OIG’s investigative casework, prior OIG reporting, advanced data analytics, and additional review procedures, we estimate SBA disbursed more than $200 billion in potentially fraudulent COVID-19 EIDLs and PPP loans. This estimate represents approximately 17 percent of disbursed COVID-19 EIDLs and PPP funds — specifically, more than $136 billion COVID-19 EIDLs and $64 billion in PPP funds. Since SBA did not have an established strong internal control environment for approving and disbursing program funds, there was an insufficient barrier against fraudsters accessing funds that should have been available for eligible business owners adversely affected by the pandemic.

In other words, a huge chunk of the fraud Krause says he is looking for was IDed by one of the guys Trump fired on day four.

Marko Elez “Resigned” the Day His Write Access to Payment Systems Was Discovered

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According to the currently operative story, Marko Elez — the DOGE [sic] boy who had source code for Treasury’s payments system — resigned in response to a query from WSJ reporter Katherine Long about his social media posts in support of

A key DOGE staff member who gained access to the Treasury Department’s central-payments system resigned Thursday after he was linked to a deleted social-media account that advocated racism and eugenics.

Marko Elez, a 25-year-old who is part of a cadre of Elon Musk lieutenants deployed by the Department of Government Efficiency to scrutinize federal spending, resigned after The Wall Street Journal asked the White House about his connection to the account.

“Just for the record, I was racist before it was cool,” the account posted in July, according to the Journal’s review of archived posts.

“You could not pay me to marry outside of my ethnicity,” the account wrote on X in September. “Normalize Indian hate,” the account wrote the same month, in reference to a post noting the prevalence of people from India in Silicon Valley.

After the Journal inquired about the account, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said that Elez had resigned from his role.

But that belief is only based on correlation, not any proof of causation. Long asked about posts that are in no way exceptional for the far right boys Elon has infiltrated into the government. And Elez resigned that same day.

Sure, Elon implied that Elez quit because the boy’s far right ideology was exposed — he led a campaign for his reinstatement. That campaign — and JD Vance’s support for it — similarly led a lot of people to believe that Elez had been reinstalled at Treasury. But multiple court filings claim that Elez resigned and never came back, at least not to Treasury.

In fact, there are two things that might provide better explanations than the discovery that like Elon himself, Elez is a racist.

As WSJ itself notes, Elez resigned the same day that Colleen Kollar-Kotelly ordered that Elez, then still identified as a Special Government Employee, be granted only read-only access to Treasury’s networks. Once Elez no longer worked for the defendants in that case — starting with Scott Bessent — then any access he had would be exempted from the order.

More importantly, as a court filing submitted yesterday reveals, Elez’ resignation happened the same day that Treasury discovered Elez’s Bureau laptop, “had mistakenly been configured with read/write permissions instead of read-only.” The filing is a declaration from Joseph Gioeli, who has been employed as the “Deputy Commissioner for Transformation and Modernization in the Bureau of the Fiscal Service” since 2023 and is a civil servant first hired in the first year of Trump’s first term.

His declaration describes how the 4-6 week “payment process engagement plan” initiated (per Thomas Krause) on January 26 required giving Elez risky access to payment systems. Gioeli describes how they tried to mitigate those risks.

11. The scope of work as envisioned in the engagement plan required access to Fiscal Service source code, applications, and databases across all these Fiscal Service payment and accounting systems and their hosting environments. This broad access presented risks, which included potential operational disruptions to Fiscal Service’s payment systems, access to sensitive data elements, insider threat risk, and other risks that are inherent to any user access to sensitive IT systems. In light of these risks, BFS and Treasury Departmental Office employees developed mitigation strategies that sought to reduce these risks.

12. These measures included the requirement that Mr. Elez be provided with a BFS laptop, which would be his only method of connecting to the Treasury payments systems, both in connecting with the source code repository and for his read-only access of the systems. He had previously been provided a Treasury laptop from the Department shortly after he onboarded, but due to Bureau security policy, that device was restricted from accessing the BFS systems and services he had requested. BFS used several cybersecurity tools to monitor Mr. Elez’s usage of his BFS laptop at all times and continuously log his activity. Additionally, the Bureau enabled enhanced monitoring on his laptop, which included the ability to monitor and block website access, block the use of external peripherals (such as USB drives or mass storage devices), monitor any scripts or commands executed on the device, and block access to cloud-based storage services. Additionally, the device contained data exfiltration detection, which alerts the Bureau to attempts to transmit sensitive data types. The laptop is also encrypted in accordance with Bureau policy, which, if the laptop were stolen or lost, would prevent unauthorized users from accessing data contained within the laptop.

13. Additional mitigation measures that were adopted included that Mr. Elez would receive “read-only” access to the systems, and that any reviews conducted using the “read-only” access would occur during low-utilization time periods, to minimize the possibility of operational disruptions. While providing a single individual with access to multiple systems and data records accessed here was broader in scope than what has occurred in the past, this read-only approach is similar to the kind of limited access the Bureau has provided to auditors for other Treasury non-payment systems, though even in those scenarios the availability of production data was significantly limited. [my emphasis]

Gioeli goes on to describe how, starting on February January 28, the Bureau gave Elez source code in a sandbox environment.

16. On January 28, 2025, the Bureau provided Mr. Elez with the Bureau laptop and with copies of the source code for PAM, SPS, and ASAP in a separate, secure coding environment known as a “secure code repository” or “sandbox.” Mr. Elez could review and make changes locally to copies of the source code in the cordoned-off code repository; however, he did not have the authority or capability to publish any code changes to the production system or underlying test environments. This repository was separate from Fiscal Service’s typical code development environment, and unlike the usual code development environment, this new repository was segmented, to ensure that no changes to the operative source code could be made. [my emphasis]

Then, six days after giving him that sandbox access, using the same laptop, they gave him read-only access to first two and then one more systems.

17. On February 3, 2025, consistent with the engagement plan and mitigation measures developed, Mr. Elez was provided with read-only access, through his Bureau laptop, to the certain BFS systems. The read-only access that Mr. Elez was provided gives the user the ability to view and query information and data but does not allow for any changes to that information and data within its source system. While this reduces risk, it does not fully eliminate the risks identified in the assessment (for example, the risk of overburdening the system with a complex read-only query). Specifically, Mr. Elez was provided read-only access to the Payment Automation Manager (PAM) Database, Payment Automation Manager (PAM) File System, and, subsequently on February 5, the Secure Payment System (SPS) Database.

After he got that access, per a review of the logs, Elez copied some files from the active database onto his Bureau laptop, on which he had the source code.

18. ISS configured his network access and assisted him in setting up the necessary tools to connect to the PAM database on February 3. His access was closely monitored by multiple BFS administrators throughout the process on February 3. That same day, he received a “walk-through” demonstration of two BFS payment systems, the PAM database and the PAM file system (the system that controls the payment file “landing zone” discussed above), to see how the systems worked. He logged in with his read-only access to these systems on February 3 during this “walk-through” demonstration. The Bureau is in the process of reviewing the logs of Mr. Elez’s activity on his Bureau laptop, and this review remains ongoing. Based on the preliminary log reviews conducted to date, it appears that on February 3, Mr. Elez copied two USAID files directly from the PAM database to his BFS laptop; on February 4 and 5, Mr. Elez accessed the PAM file system; and on February 5, Mr. Elez accessed the PAM payment processing database. These activities are consistent with the read-only access that Mr. Elez was provided and did not change or alter any BFS payment system or record within their source systems. As noted, reviews of Mr. Elez’s work are still actively occurring; I do not have any more detail to provide at this time about his activities with respect to PAM. [my emphasis]

Then, on February 5, Elez got access to the payment system itself — again, with the same laptop on which he had source code.

19. Due to scheduling constraints, Mr. Elez was unable to meet with Bureau personnel to set up his access to the SPS database until February 5. On that date, lSS held a virtual walk-through session to help him to connect to the SPS database. He accessed this database exclusively under the supervision of Bureau database administrators in a virtual walkthrough session. According to the preliminary review of logs the Bureau has conducted to date, it appears Mr. Elez accessed the SPS database only once during that walk-through demonstration on February 5. It does not appear that he accessed the database again. As part of the ongoing review, additional log reviews are currently underway to confirm this. Mr. Elez never logged into ASAP, CARS, or ITS.gov, as technical access to those systems was never established for him. [my emphasis]

The next day, “it was discovered” (Gioeli does not say by whom, which means we’re not seeing a declaration from that person) that Elez actually “had mistakenly been configured” with read/write access, rather than “read only.”

20. On the morning of February 6, it was discovered that Mr. Elez’s database access to SPS on February 5 had mistakenly been configured with read/write permissions instead of read-only. A forensic investigation was immediately initiated by database administrators to review all activities performed on that server and database. The initial investigation confirmed that all of Mr. Elez’s interactions with the SPS system occurred within the supervised, walk-through session and that no unauthorized actions had taken place. His access was promptly corrected to read-only, and he did not log into the system again after his initial virtual over-the-shoulder session on February 5. To the best of our knowledge, Mr. Elez never knew of the fact that he briefly had read/write permissions for the SPS database, and never took any action to exercise the “write” privileges in order to modify anything within the SPS database—indeed, he never logged in during the time that he had read/write privileges, other than during the virtual walk-through – and forensic analysis is currently underway to confirm this. [my emphasis]

Throughout his declaration, Gioeli stresses that they’re still investigating whether Elez did something unauthorized with his access.

21. As noted above, the Bureau used several cybersecurity tools to monitor Mr. Elez’s usage and continuously log his activity. While forensic analysis is still ongoing, Bureau personnel have conducted preliminary reviews of logs of his activity both on his laptop and within the systems and at this time have found no indication of any unauthorized use, of any use outside the scope that was directed by Treasury leadership, or that Mr. Elez used his BFS laptop to share any BFS payment systems data outside the U.S. Government.

And his declaration stops short of saying that some mitigation techniques were used. For example, Gioeli says that the enhanced monitoring on Elez’ Bureau laptop had the ability to “block the use of external peripherals (such as USB drives or mass storage devices)” and access to the cloud, but it doesn’t say whether those functionalities was used.

Plus, Gioeli’s declaration makes it clear that they have’t involved Elez in any review of his access. No one has asked Elez, for example, whether he knew he had write access to the payment system.

Similarly, in an earlier declaration submitted in the parallel DC case, Thomas Krause gave a very couched answer about whether Elez had has any ongoing access.

I currently have no reason to believe Mr. Elez retains access to any BFS payment data, source code, or systems.”

Did anyone think to ask the guy? Does anyone know where that guy is? Are you going to interview him? Or is someone deliberately trying to keep him from being questioned further?

Worse still, Thomas Krause declaration submitted in the NY case doesn’t even say that Elez has left Treasury — only that he has resigned from the role of, “working closely with engineers at the Bureau of the Fiscal Service (BFS) on information technology (IT) matters in service of BFS’s mission to promote financial integrity and operational efficiency of the federal government through accounting, financing, collection, payment, and other relevant BFS services.”

On February 6, 2025, Mr. Elez submitted his resignation from this role. On that same day, he turned in his Treasury laptop, BFS laptop, access card, and other government devices; his BFS systems access was terminated; and he has not conducted any work related to the BFS payment systems since that date.

Elez was made a Treasury employee — contrary to early reports, he was not a SGE. That may make it easier to shuffle him off somewhere else.

What Gioeli describes is the panic that ensues when a guy who had high level access quits unexpectedly. And to date, we’ve never been given a formal explanation of why he quit — or whether he was asked to do so. We certainly can’t reconcile the claims that he has been reinstated with claims that he’s not doing what he was doing at Treasury.

Everyone has always assumed that Elez quit because his racism was discovered. But given the timeline, we can’t rule out that he quit because of the access concerns (and ongoing investigation) at Treasury.

Timeline

January 21: Elez hired.

January 23: Krause hired.

January 26: Treasury focuses on USAD. Treasury also adopts a 4-6 week engagement plan.

January 28: Bureau provides Elez with Bureau laptop copies of the source code for PAM, SPS, and ASAP in sandbox.

January 31: Treasury focuses on TAS codes; Elez assists in “automating” manual review of payments. “A high-ranking career official at Treasury also raised the issue of risks from DOGE access in a memo to Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent.”

February 3: Treasury gives Elez access to PAM. Booz threat contractor delivers report warning of grave insider threat.

February 5: Treasury gives Elez access to SPS, the payment system.

February 6 (afternoon): Elez resignation.

February 7: Treasury flags but then approves four payments. WaPo publishes story about Booz report and Booz contractor is fired.

February 8: Paul Engelmeyer limits Krause’s access.

February 10: Millenium Challenge Corporation submits, but then requests not to process, a payment.

Documents

Opposition to Stay

Thomas Krause Declaration: Describing the plan to use technology to provide more oversight over payments (citing three Biden-era GAO reports, not anything DOGE has discovered).

Vona Robinson Declaration: Describing that the only payment that has been intercepted at Treasury was a payment to the Millenium Challenge Corporation.

Michael Wenzler Declaration: Describing the hiring, employment status, revisions thereof, of Thomas Krause and Marko Elez, and also confirming Elez’ resignation from Treasury.

Joseph Gioeli Declaration: Describing the circumstances of Elez’ access and the investigation into what he did with it.

“The Fraudsters Complain the Loudest and the Fastest:” Legacy Media Ignores Import of Gaza Condom Fact Check

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At a weird appearance in the Oval Office rife with awkward projections that Elon Musk believes he is more powerful than Trump (here’s the full CSPAN video), a journalist asked Elon how — given the egregious error he made about condoms and Gaza — we should believe anything he said.

 

 

The exchange is bad enough: Elon basically confessed, in front of Trump, that a hoax Elon started that traveled first to Trump propagandist Karoline Leavitt and from there, through Jesse Watters’ exaggerations on Fox News, into several repetitions of the false claim by Trump was wrong.

 

 

The entire point of this presser was to substantiate Trump’s false (and undocumented) claim that DOGE [sic] had found billions of dollars of waste, fraud, and abuse and use that to, first, pressure judges who are putting brakes on DOGE and, then, justify giving DOGE [sic] authority to fire a bunch of people via Executive Order.

When Trump asked Elon to substantiate such claims, Elon instead vaguely pointed to people who were wealthy even though they had meager salaries — not something that should be under his review. He listed other things that are known — and were known, during Trump’s first term — which are archaic but not fraud.

And in that appearance, a journalist called Elon out for inventing something about Gaza that led Trump to lie publicly.

That should have led to stories about how, in Trump’s presence, Elon admitted he makes shit up and Trump repeats them.

For the most part, it didn’t happen:

  • NYT noted that Elon offered no proof of fraud, but did not mention the proof that Elon got caught in a lie.
  • WaPo focused on the EO, but later explained that neither Trump nor Musk offered proof — but didn’t mention he got caught in a lie.
  • Politico focused on the EO, but later noted that Elon said he would police his own conflicts.
  • In an analytical piece, CNN claimed that Elon offered examples of fraud (which is false), but didn’t mention Gaza.

After airing Elon about scrutiny he claimed he was getting, WSJ did mention the Gaza question.

Asked about the Trump administration’s false assertion that the federal government sent $50 million worth of condoms to Gaza, the billionaire acknowledged that he might at times promote erroneous information. “Some of the things that I say will be incorrect and should be corrected,” Musk said. “Nobody is going to bat 1,000.”

But WSJ didn’t pursue the implication of it: that Elon got caught in a false claim.

Indeed, the only specific example that Trump mentioned was funding FEMA spent in NYC to house migrants — something approved by Congress — for which the staffers have been fired (as I’ll return to, Trump’s DOJ is already misrepresenting this in courts), was also based on an Elon lie.

The Trump administration said on Tuesday that it had fired four employees from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, including the agency’s chief financial officer, over their roles in disbursing federal funds to house migrants in New York City hotels.

The firings capped a startling chain of events that began on Monday with an early-morning social media post by Elon Musk who claimed, misleadingly, that FEMA had recently sent $59 million meant for disaster relief to New York City to pay for “high end hotels” for migrants, and who called the expenditure unlawful.

New York City officials raced to clarify that the federal money had been properly allocated by FEMA under President Joseph R. Biden Jr. last year, adding that it was not a disaster relief grant and had not been spent on luxury hotels.

Nonetheless, just two hours after Mr. Musk’s post, FEMA’s acting director, Cameron Hamilton, announced that the payments in question “have all been suspended” — even though most of the money had already been disbursed — and that “personnel will be held accountable.”

By Tuesday morning, roughly 24 hours after Mr. Musk’s post, the Trump administration had followed through on one part of its pledge.

Elon also made a false claim that they had turned on AIDS prevention — in one of the state lawsuits, Washington State presented a case where funds for AIDS prevention programs was being withheld.

This press conference consisted of Elon (and Trump) making false claim after false claim.

It also consisted of Trump lying over and over, without proof, about how one only needed to look for fraud to find it. No one asked why he hadn’t looked in his first term. Indeed, several times he blamed Biden for problems that have existed for decades.

And yet, at best, journalists instead claimed only that Elon and Trump simply presented no proof.

Donald Trump’s Incorrect Shell Game of Appropriated Spending

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Yesterday, I argued that Trump would not yet defy courts because he wants to invite the Supreme Court to sanction his dictatorial powers, and so wants a clear appellate record.

Boy howdy was that a short-lived theory. Trump says he is appealing two orders that are not yet ripe for appeal in two lawsuits involving Democratic Attorneys General — RI Judge John McConnell’s order and follow-up order that the government pay grants to the states [appeal] and Paul Engelmeyer’s order ordering Treasury to stay out of the payment system [request for stay pending appeal] — as well as in Special Counsel Hampton Dellinger’s challenge to his dismissal.

So by the time Republicans figure out how they’re going to use reconciliation to pass Trump’s policies, SCOTUS may have already agreed to gut Congress’ power of the purse.

But the record in the spending cases is anything but clean.

In one of the two cases challenging DOGE’s [sic] access to Treasury systems — the DC case before Colleen Kollar-Kotelly — DOJ decided after the fact that Marko Elez, the DOGE [sic] boy who had been granted a copy of Treasury systems to sandbox, was actually a Treasury employee.

With the benefit of more time to investigate the facts over the weekend, Defendants came to understand that Marko Elez, who, at the time of the hearing was employed by the Department of the Treasury, had not, in fact, been designated by the Treasury Department as a Special Government Employee (SGE), as counsel stated at the February 5 hearing. Mr. Elez, was, however, a Treasury Department employee. Treasury hired Mr. Elez as Special Advisor for Information Technology and Modernization, Departmental Offices, Office of the Chief of Staff, under Treasury’s authority to establish temporary transitional Schedule C positions. See 5 C.F.R. § 213.3302. Although Mr. Elez could have been designated as an SGE because he was slated to perform temporary duties either on a full-time or intermittent basis for not more than 130 days, the Treasury department Ethics office did not designate Mr. Elez as a Special Government Employee, meaning that he in fact had to comply with additional ethics requirements that are not required for SGE positions.

[snip]

Defendants also wish to notify the Court that, as stated in the Declaration of Thomas Krause, Jr., filed yesterday, in State of New York v. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Case No. 25 Civ. 01144 (JAV) (S.D.N.Y.), Mr. Elez resigned from Treasury on February 6, 2025, and he returned all Treasury and BFS equipment and credentials the same day. See Exhibit 1, ¶ 11. Moreover, in that case, on February 8, the Court entered a temporary restraining order restricting who may access Treasury systems. See Ex. 2. Those restrictions are in addition to those imposed by this Court’s Order entered February 6.

This filing included Thomas Krause’ declaration (submitted in the Treasury suit filed by states, which Trump is appealing) describing that Elez had resigned (but not addressing whether he has been reinstated; in retrospect, it seems the declaration was written specifically to avoid calling Elez a DGE). But it didn’t include the underlying filing in the case, which in a footnote confesses that Elez had a full copy of the BFS system in a sandbox, falsely claiming that Krause addressed this in his declaration.

2 Since January 20, 2025, one other Treasury employee—Marco Elez—had “read only” access to or copies of certain data in BFS payment systems, subject to restrictions, and access to a copy of certain BFS payments systems’ source code in a “sandbox” environment. Krause Decl. ¶ 11. Mr. Elez resigned on February 6, 2025 and returned all Treasury and BFS equipment and credentials the same day. Id

This means that this correction doesn’t correct another false claim DOJ made to Kollar-Kotelly: that Elez’ access had been “read only.” And DOJ hasn’t told Judge Jeanette Vargas (to whom the New York case was assigned after Engelmeyer issued the TRO) that Elez is a full Treasury employee and so, if he has been reinstated, potentially excluded from Engelmeyer’s order.

In the USAID case, where Trump might believe he can coax a favorable ruling from his own first term appointee, Carl Nichols, Peter Marocco submitted a long, obnoxious declaration claiming they had to shut down USAID because of widespread insubordination among USAID employees. (I’d quote from it but the declaration breaks local rules requiring OCR filings.)

But after Marocco submitted that filing, the career AUSAs on the case submitted a declaration that included this correction.

Additionally, although Secretary Rubio’s January 24, 2025 directive only froze future contract obligations, id. ¶ 3, payments on existing contracts were paused as well as part of efforts by agency leadership to regain control of the organization’s spending and conduct a comprehensive review of its programs. See id. ¶¶ 5–10. Counsel for Defendants was unaware of this development prior to the hearing. [my emphasis]

Marocco confesses that existing contracts “were paused” by him this way:

Furthermore, many of USAID’s pre-existing programs were in conflict with the directives and priorities of the President and Secretary, and therefore were inconsistent with the public interest and foreign policy judgments of the Executive Branch. Given the scale of these programs, an ad hoc review of these conflicting programs would unduly burden the execution of the President’s other foreign policy priorities. A blanket pause with a waive-in process was the more efficient and effective path.

He describes this notice Marco Rubio sent to Congress, which makes no mention of pausing ongoing work. Then he continues to describe how existing programs “were paused” by him.

The first step of this review, in essence, involved the majority of USAID pausing a substantial portion of its ongoing work — going “pencils down” — so the Secretary and USAID leadership could gain control of the organization that included some employees who had refused to comply with lawful directives by the President and Secretary, directives designed to identify wasteful or fraudulent programs or those contrary to the foreign policy interests of the United States. The pause of ongoing work and use of paid administrative leave have enabled Agency leadership to begin a thorough review of USAID’s operations and align its functions to the President’s and Secretary’s priorities, without continued noncompliance by former Agency leadership and management undermining those priorities. Pausing a majority of USAID’s work was, and remains, necessary to continue this thorough review into the noncompliance issues first identified, as well as to continue to examine USAID’s processes and the manner in which USAID funds its programs.

In other words, the people that Marocco calls noncompliant are noncompliant because they’re following the law, a law uncontroverted by Trump’s order or even Rubio’s notice to Congress.

As Nichols said when he issued the TRO ordering USAID to reinstate employees, whether or not this involved existing or only prospective contracts was an issue of some contention in the hearing.

Plaintiffs finally seek a TRO as to Secretary Rubio’s January 24, 2025 order freezing funding to USAID’s contractors. As a threshold matter, the Court notes that there are significant factual questions about what the practical effect of that order is. The government argued at the hearing that the order only prevents USAID from entering “new obligations of funding”—leaving it free to pay out contracts that it entered into prior to January 24, 2025—and indeed, the text of the order does seem to permit that result. Dep’t of State, Memo. 25 STATE 6828. Yet, plaintiffs maintained at the TRO hearing that payments on existing USAID grants have been frozen, preventing certain “contracting officers” employed by USAID from using agency funds to fulfill monetary commitments that the agency had already made.

This factual dispute is relevant to plaintiffs’ TRO arguments, but ultimately is not dispositive of them. Plaintiffs allege that, by some legal mechanism, USAID contracting officers can be held personally liable for existing contractual expenses that USAID is supposed to, but does not, pay. Plaintiffs thus argue that those officers face irreparable harm as a result of the funding freeze because they will be left “holding the bag” when USAID imminently fails to disburse funds. Separately, plaintiffs argue that the general population of USAID employees will be emotionally harmed by the agency’s inability to pay its contractors because they will be stuck “watching a slow speed train wreck” as the agency reneges on its humanitarian commitments.

Even assuming the funding freeze indeed prevents payments on existing grants in the way plaintiffs claim (instead of merely preventing USAID from entering new obligations, as the government suggested during the hearing), the Court concludes that plaintiffs have not demonstrated resulting irreparable harm.

But because this suit involves employees, rather than states or other recipients of funds from Treasury (as is the case in the two suits where DOJ has said it will appeal), these plaintiffs themselves are not being injured because they’re still being paid.

DOJ is hiding behind career AUSAs making claims they likely do not know are false so as to shut down appropriations that have already been approved.

And they are appealing each instance in which a plaintiff has genuinely been injured (the states and Hampton Dellinger’s firing) in hopes — or maybe expectation? — after the Circuits deny appeals that are not yet ripe, SCOTUS will step in and render Congress impotent.

Update: USAID Inspector General somehow managed to put together a report on the damage the chaos is having. Among other things, it finds that the cuts have incapacitated any means of vetting disbursements to keep them out of the hands of terrorists.

USAID describes partner vetting as a risk-mitigation tool to “ensure that American taxpayer funds do not benefit terrorists and their supporters.” Currently, partner vetting is required for programming in Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Syria, West Bank/Gaza, and Yemen where designated terrorist organizations such as Hamas, Hezbollah, ISIS, and Ansar Allah (also known as the Houthis) operate. Before the Agency awards a contract, grant, or cooperative agreement in these locations, the proposed awardee must submit to USAID data needed to vet the organization and its key personnel. The same vetting must be undertaken before an aid organization issues a subaward. While USAID OIG has previously identified gaps in the scope of partner vetting, 10 USAID staff have reported that the counter-terrorism vetting unit supporting humanitarian assistance programming has in recent days been told not to report to work (because staff have been furloughed or placed on administrative leave) and thus cannot conduct any partner vetting. This gap leaves USAID susceptible to inadvertently funding entities or salaries of individuals associated with U.S.-designated terrorist organizations.

Trump Stewing because of Lies Stephen Miller Fed Him During the Campaign

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Thus far, Trump’s biggest success on immigration in his second term has been to claim credit — twice! — for things that Sleepy Joe Biden did, in one case years ago.

He threatened sanctions on Colombia, only to agree to let Colombian President Gustavo Petro send planes to fetch deportees, sometimes in Colombian military planes, rather than receive them in US military planes.

He threatened sanctions on Mexico, only to boast after Claudia Sheinbaum committed to put 5,000 fewer Mexican troops on the border than are already there, the same 10,000 that Biden obtained years ago.

He threatened sanctions on Canada, only to boast that Justin Trudeau agreed to the same $1.3 billion in investments to counter fentanyl trafficking he put in place in December.

As for his efforts to round up and deport migrants in the US? Almost two weeks ago, I noted that the quotas ICE introduced to try to boost the deportation numbers fell wildly short of delivering the deportations Trump had promised his rubes, to say nothing of the way those quotas will lead to deportation of non-criminal migrants instead of the violent criminals Trump claims to be targeting. Almost two weeks ago, Trump’s flunkies confessed they would never be able to meet his promises for mass deportation.

The fate of a highly publicized raid in Aurora last week is a spectacular case in point.

On Thursday, shortly after the raid, the Fox News propagandist whose job it is to stoke fear about migration, Bill Melugin, first celebrated the “massive” raid, only later to reveal the raid had resulted in far fewer arrests than promised and just one arrest of a Tren de Aragua member. ICE immediately blamed its failure to detain more people on leaks.

That same day, Tom Homan announced he may have to halt the kind of embed ICE has been all too happy to give Melugin, because of leaks or operational security; he did not say that truthful reports to Fox viewers about his failures gets him in trouble with the boss. Tom Homan can’t afford to have Trump know that this massive raid found only a single Tren de Aragua member.

The raid focused on an apartment complex that had been the focus of a wildly propagandistic Trump campaign event headlined by Stephen Miller last year.

Both reporting sympathetic to migrants and that of mainstream outlets describes what actually happened, why the raid failed to lead to the number of arrests Trump promised: Heavily armed officers swarmed the building and knocked on every door, but after residents didn’t open up, they finally left. (Update: Elevating this really good account of the raid GinnyRED57 put in comments.)

Heavily armed federal agents raided apartment buildings across metro Denver early Wednesday in a search for Venezuelan gang members and other migrants under the Trump administration’s mass deportation effort targeting major cities.

At least two dozen officers carrying high-powered weapons stormed several complexes before sunrise. In some cases, they were backed by large, military-style vehicles.

The Department of Homeland Security said on social media that it was targeting 100 members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua for arrest and detention. It did not say how many people were taken into custody.

The operation included officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement; the FBI; the Drug Enforcement Administration; and the Bureau of Tobacco, Alcohol, Firearms and Explosives.

[snip]

At an apartment complex in Denver, a 31-year-old Venezuelan man said that shortly after 5 a.m., ICE agents and other federal officers began yelling and loudly banging on every door.

The man, who asked that his name be withheld because he was afraid of being deported, said residents discreetly peered out their windows as large trucks and unmarked vehicles entered the parking lot.

Several residents said eight people were arrested at the complex.

People “hid with fear,” “didn’t open their doors” and remained “quiet without saying anything,” he said after all the agents had left.

In other words, while ICE had a few specific targets, they had no warrants for the vast majority of residences. They just kept knocking and knocking and knocking. And because the residents knew their rights, they didn’t open up.

It’s probably no surprise that this story from NBC is coming out days after the flopped Aurora raid. Trump is angry that his deportation numbers are falling so far short of what he promised his supporters.

Agents at Immigration and Customs Enforcement are under increasing pressure to boost the number of arrests and deportations of undocumented immigrants, as President Donald Trump has expressed anger that the amount of people deported in the first weeks of his administration is not higher, according to three sources familiar with the discussions at ICE and the White House.

A source familiar with Trump’s thinking said the president is getting “angry” that more people are not being deported and that the message is being passed along to “border czar” Tom Homan, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller and acting ICE Director Caleb Vitello.

“It’s driving him nuts they’re not deporting more people,” said the person familiar with Trump’s thinking.

[snip]

Meanwhile at ICE, Vitello told agents in January to aim to meet a daily quota of 1,200-1,400 arrests. According to numbers ICE has posted on X, the highest single day total since Trump was inaugurated was just 1,100, and the number has fallen since that day. On Tuesday of this week, arrests of immigrants were over 800, according to a source familiar with the numbers. But last weekend, there were only about 300 arrests, another source told NBC News.

In order to fulfill Trump’s Inauguration Day promise of “millions and millions” of deportations, the Trump administration would have to be deporting over 2,700 immigrants every day to reach 1 million in a year.

And, as NBC News has reported, arrests do not always equal immediate detentions, much less deportations. Of the more than 8,000 immigrants arrested in the first two weeks of the Trump administration, 461 were released, according to the White House.

Of course Trump is pissed that his biggest immigration success so far was stolen from Sleepy Joe Biden.

Of course Tom Homan is pissed that he can’t deliver what he promised.

Of course ICE is squirmy because even if they could meet their quotas — even if those migrants in Aurora, CO against whom ICE had no probable cause of a crime willingly opened their doors so ICE could arrest and deport them — the number of deportees would still fall far short of Trump’s goal.

But this all arises from the false expectations set during the election — from the lies Stephen Miller told, over and over and over and over and over, about the number of criminal migrants.

Trump is furious that his thugs can’t fulfill his promises. But those failures arise not through want of trying. Rather, those failures stem from the fact that reality in no way matches the hellhole Miller pitched for Trump, the imaginary hellhole Miller used to get voters afraid enough to vote for Trump.

Trump has redirected virtually all instruments of US national security to chase Stephen Miller’s lies. Not only is it going to lead to ongoing fury from the Boss, because reality will never match the propaganda Miller spun. But by neglecting the things that really do pose much more urgent threats — by destaffing investigations into real terrorists or operations to counter real ransomware attacks — Trump leaves America vulnerable in myriad ways.

Trump Appointee Carl Nichols Enjoins Trump from Stranding USAID Workers

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There was a big development (and a few smaller ones) in DOGE’s [sic] attempts to start shutting down big parts — Treasury and Office of Personnel Management — of the government.

Before I look at those, I want to look at the order Trump appointee Carl Nichols (a former Clarence Thomas clerk) issued in a lawsuit two unions filed to enjoin the USAID shutdown.

The unions claimed the USAID shutdown violated:

  • Separation of powers
  • Take care clause
  • Administrative Procedure Act because it was in excess of statutory authority
  • Administrative Procedure Act because it was arbitrary and capricious

They described the death and destruction the shutdown has caused and will cause.

The agency’s collapse has had disastrous humanitarian consequences. Among countless other consequences of defendants’ reckless dissolution of the agency, halting USAID work has shut down efforts to prevent children from dying of malaria, stopped pharmaceutical clinical trials, and threatened a global resurgence in HIV.40 Deaths are inevitable. Already, 300 babies that would not have had HIV, now do.41 Thousands of girls and women will die from pregnancy and childbirth.42 Without judicial intervention, it will only get worse. The actions defendants plan to take on Friday will “doom billions of dollars in projects in some 120 countries, including security assistance for Ukraine and other countries, as well as development work for clean water, job training and education, including for schoolgirls under Taliban rule in Afghanistan.”43

And they asked for a Temporary Restraining Order on certain actions the government took, which Nichols (after a hearing) construed this way:

Plaintiffs frame their TRO request as pertaining to one overarching event: the allegedly “illegal and unconstitutional dismantling of USAID.” Mot. at 9. But at the TRO hearing, it became clear that plaintiffs’ allegations of irreparable injury flow principally from three government actions: (1) the placement of USAID employees on administrative leave; (2) the expedited evacuation of USAID employees from their host countries; and (3) Secretary Rubio’s January 24, 2025 order “paus[ing] all new obligations of funding . . . for foreign assistance programs funded by or through . . . USAID.” Dep’t of State, Memo. 25 STATE 6828. The Court finds that a TRO is warranted as to the first two actions but not the third.

The request for a Temporary Restraining Order included declarations describing the injuries the shutdown has and will cause, including this one describing the harm a sudden move will cause to an employee’s two special needs kids.

This directive will have profound impacts on the wellbeing of my kids’ personal, educational and psychological development. I have two children at Post: a seven-year-old in first grade and a two-year-old in preschool. Both have received “Class 2” medical clearances from State MED and thus they receive a Special Needs Education Allowance (SNEA) for occupational therapy (OT). My older child has documented gross and fine motor skill delays due to prenatal intrauterine growth restriction (IUGR). My younger child also has documented gross and fine motor skill delays due to torticollis. Both children receive OT services in conjunction with their schooling in a purposefully integrated manner, a best practice promoted by specialists at the State Department ‘s Office of Child and Family Program (CFP) who oversee their care. Additionally, my older child who is in first grade was recently diagnosed by a licensed medical professional with ADHD and anxiety. They are now receiving Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) at Post from a licensed therapist and the Embassy Medical Unit is tracking their care.

Uprooting my children from their school, OT service providers, and child therapist in the middle of the school year will undoubtedly set back their development with possible lifelong implications. In the United States, we currently have no home or ties to a specific school district. My kids have lived overseas nearly their entire life in service of our country. There will be an inevitable gap – possibly a long one – before they are back in a stable routine of integrated schooling, OT services, and psychological services, a routine that medical professionals have determined they need to overcome developmental delays, and in the case of my seven-year-old, ADHD.

Or this one, describing the danger of losing access to security protections in high risk locations.

Personal Safety Risks: The shutdown could have life-threatening consequences for PSC colleagues serving in high-risk locations. The abrupt shutdown of government devices and access was highly reckless to colleagues in active conflict zones, such as Ukraine and Somalia. Friends and colleagues lost access to the Embassy safety communication channels, and many could no longer use a safety app called “Scry Panic 2.0,” which is installed on government-furnished equipment. In addition, many PSCs serving USAID abroad were unsure if they remained under U.S. chief-of-mission authority, which guarantees access to U.S. Government resources to ensure staff safety and accountability, including for emergency evacuations. U.S. Department of State officials, who were tasked with developing a plan to get USAID officials home, had no instructions or information on the next steps.

Many USAID PSCs work in high-risk environments where access to security resources is critical. I have heard from overseas colleagues who have now lost access to Diplomatic Security systems, meaning they can no longer coordinate security protocols, evacuations, or emergency procedures. Without official communication from USAID leadership, these PSCs remain in dangerous locations without clarity on whether they still have institutional protection. Others fear that in the event of a medical emergency or security threat, they will be forced to rely on personal funds or external assistance, as USAID has not provided guidance on whether existing security protocols still apply to them.

A risk exacerbated, the declaration explains, by the false claims launched against USAID staffers.

PSCs are also at increased risk of physical harm due to the threats, harassment, and misinformation that have accompanied the shutdown. The reckless rhetoric spread on social media and in political discourse has put USAID personnel at risk. I have heard from colleagues who have been labeled as criminals, supporters of terrorists, or Marxists—simply for doing their jobs.

High-profile figures, including Elon Musk and his supporters, have fueled this misinformation, creating a hostile environment where USAID staff fear for their personal safety. With individuals involved in the January 6th insurrection now released, there is a heightened sense of danger that USAID employees could be targeted next. I have colleagues who no longer feel safe in their own homes, with some refusing to leave family members alone out of fear that someone radicalized by online misinformation may try to harm them.

Judge Nichols cited both of those injuries in enjoining the government. He cited the latter risk when disputing the government claim that putting 2,700 USAID employees (500 of whom were already put on leave, the others would have been as of yesterday) was just a “garden-variety personnel action.”

Taking the TRO factors somewhat out of order and beginning with irreparable injury, the Court finds that plaintiffs have adequately demonstrated that their members are facing irreparable injury from their placement on administrative leave, and that more members would face such injury if they were placed on administrative leave tonight. Many USAID personnel work in “highrisk environments where access to security resources is critical.” ECF No. 9-10 ¶ 14. No future lawsuit could undo the physical harm that might result if USAID employees are not informed of imminent security threats occurring in the countries to which they have relocated in the course of their service to the United States. The government argued at the TRO hearing that placing employees on paid administrative leave is a garden-variety personnel action unworthy of court intervention. But administrative leave in Syria is not the same as administrative leave in Bethesda: simply being paid cannot change that fact.

And he cited the former injury when ruling that immediately recalling the officers overseas would create real injury, one not counterbalanced by any pressing government need.

Specifically, whereas USAID’s “usual process” provides foreign service officers with six to nine months’ notice before an international move, plaintiffs allege that USAID has now issued a “mandatory recall notice” that would require more than 1400 foreign service officers to repatriate within 30 days. Mot. at 18.

Plaintiffs have demonstrated that this action, too, risks inflicting irreparable harm on their members. Recalling employees on such short notice disrupts long-settled expectations and makes it nearly impossible for evacuated employees to adequately plan for their return to the United States. For instance, one of plaintiffs’ members attests that, if he is recalled from his foreign post, he will be forced to “[u]proot” his two special-needs-children from school in the middle of the year, “set[ting] back their development with possible lifelong implications.” ECF No. 9-5 ¶ 6. He also attests that, because his family has no home in the United States and his children have “lived overseas nearly their entire life,” there will be “an inevitable gap—possibly a long one—before they are back in a stable routine . . . that medical professionals have determined they need to overcome developmental delays.” Id. Other of plaintiffs’ members tell similar stories, explaining that the abrupt recall would separate their families, interrupt their medical care, and possibly force them to “be back in the United States homeless.” See ECF ECF No. 9-4 ¶ 7; ECF No. 9-5 ¶ 8; ECF No. 9-9 ¶ 6. Even if a future lawsuit could recoup any financial harms stemming from the expedited evacuations—like the cost of breaking a lease or of abandoning property that could not be sold prior to the move—it surely could not recoup damage done to educational progress, physical safety, and family relations.

But perhaps the most important language in Judge Nichols’ short opinion was his disdain for the government’s flimsy claims that the USAID employees have to be put on leave because of vague claims of fraud.

When the Court asked the government at the TRO hearing what harm would befall the government if it could not immediately place on administrative leave the more than 2000 employees in question, it had no response— beyond asserting without any record support that USAID writ large was possibly engaging in “corruption and fraud.”

That is, when pushed to justify this purge to a sympathetic Trump appointee, DOJ simply couldn’t substantiate claims of fraud.

To be sure, Nichols only enjoined the government until February 14. And he didn’t reverse the freeze on funding — notwithstanding that the government likely lied in saying that the freeze only applied to prospective funding obligations.

As a threshold matter, the Court notes that there are significant factual questions about what the practical effect of that order is. The government argued at the hearing that the order only prevents USAID from entering “new obligations of funding”—leaving it free to pay out contracts that it entered into prior to January 24, 2025—and indeed, the text of the order does seem to permit that result. Dep’t of State, Memo. 25 STATE 6828. Yet, plaintiffs maintained at the TRO hearing that payments on existing USAID grants have been frozen, preventing certain “contracting officers” employed by USAID from using agency funds to fulfill monetary commitments that the agency had already made.

But Trump’s administration had a chance to substantiate the wild claims of fraud and abuse that Elon Musk has leveled at USAID.

And Carl Nichols was unimpressed.

Two Days In, Pam Bondi’s DOJ Is Already an Ethical Swamp

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Reuters was the first to track the travails of Ed Martin, the Jan6 riot attendee turned US Attorney for DC who moved to dismiss the prosecution of one of his clients on January 21, and only two weeks later, on February 4, moved to withdraw from the case.

On January 6, 2021, Martin posted on X, then called Twitter, that he was at the Capitol himself, describing the day as “Like Mardi Gras in DC today: love, faith and joy.”

Before becoming Washington’s top prosecutor, he appeared as an attorney for three people convicted of participating in the riot, according to court records. Two of those cases ended before Trump took office; the third, against Joseph Padilla, was still ongoing on January 21 when Martin’s office filed a motion bearing his name asking a court to drop the charges.

State rules in Missouri, where Martin is licensed, bar government lawyers from handling cases involving their clients without written consent.

A spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment. A private spokesperson for Martin said he is in complete compliance with the requirements for his position.

On Wednesday, Martin sent an office-wide email seen by Reuters in which he said he had “stopped all involvement” in the cases more than a year and a half ago, that he had handled them pro bono, and said he was “under the impression that I was off the cases.”

He said the U.S. Attorney’s career ethics lawyer asked him about the cases last week and complained that it “immediately leaked to the media.” This leak, he said, was both “personally insulting” and professionally “unacceptable.”

When Martin did finally move to drop off the case he had gotten dismissed weeks earlier, he offered the kind of dumb excuse you expect from a Trump flunkie.

Undersigned counsel respectfully moves the Court to withdraw as a counsel of record in this matter.

Mr. Padilla noticed his appeal in this case in September 2023. ECF No. 108. From that point forward, he was represented by an attorney working with the Office of the Federal Public Defender in New Mexico. That defender entered her appearance in this case on November 1, 2024. ECF No. 122. Although undersigned counsel has not represented Mr. Padilla in connection with postconviction litigation, counsel remains listed as counsel of record on the docket. Accordingly, as the case has now been dismissed, and as the undersigned does not currently represent Mr. Padilla, counsel requests that the Court grant this motion so the docket may accurately reflect this fact. This motion has been served upon the defendant personally. LCrR 44.5(d). Mr. Padilla has no objection to this motion.

It turns out the DC Bar membership for the Acting US Attorney for DC lapsed. His Bar membership is not in good standing.

Case Name: USA v. PADILLA
Case Number: 1:21-cr-00214-JDB

Filer:
Document Number: No document attached
Docket Text:

NOTICE of Provisional/Government Not Certified Status re [126] Proposed MOTION to Withdraw as Attorney Edward Martin by Edward Martin. by JOSEPH LINO PADILLA. (Martin, Edward).

Your attorney renewal/government certification has not been received. As a result, your membership with the U.S. District & Bankruptcy Courts for the District of Columbia is not in good standing, and you are not permitted to file. Pursuant to Local Criminal Rule 57.21.1, you must immediately correct your membership status by following the appropriate instructions on this page of our website: https://www.dcd.uscourts.gov/attorney-renewal.

Please be advised that the presiding judge in this case has been notified that you are currently not in good standing to file in this court. Renewal Due by 2/12/2025. (zhcn)

It further turns out that when Martin wrote a very angry letter to Judge Amit Mehta telling him the Oath Keeper seditionists whose sentences Trump commuted, but did not pardon, should have no release conditions, he signed that letter over his DC Bar Membership, which we’ve now learned was not in good standing a few weeks later.

It’s a big mess. The activist group that has gotten some of Trump’s other January 6 lawyers sanctioned is trying to make it a bigger mess, at least in Missouri, which specifically prohibits playing both sides of a legal issue.

Activist legal group the 65 Project filed a bar complaint on Thursday against Edward Martin, interim U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, in Missouri, where he is licensed to practice law, a day after Reuters reported the potential conflict.

Martin last month asked a judge to drop charges against a man who took part in the January 6, 2021, Capitol assault whom he also represented as a defense attorney, after Trump on his first day in office granted clemency to all the nearly 1,600 people charged with playing a role in the riot.

Lawyers generally are prohibited from taking both sides in the same case and U.S. Justice Department regulations require lawyers to step aside from cases involving their former clients for at least a year.

State rules in Missouri, where Martin is licensed, also bar government lawyers from handling cases involving their clients without written consent.

“When President Trump appointed Mr. Martin to serve as interim U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, Mr. Martin became duty-bound under the rules of professional conduct to abstain from any role in his former clients’ criminal cases,” said Michael Teter, managing director of the 65 Project, which has brought bar complaints against Trump-affiliated lawyers, in a statement.

The complaint also notes that Martin filed the motion to dismiss for Timothy Hale-Cusanelli, after doing fundraisers for the Hitler cosplayer.

In addition, Rule 4-1.7 also prohibited Mr. Martin from appearing on behalf of his client, the United States, in Mr. Hale-Cusanelli’s criminal matter after he held a fundraiser for Mr. Hale-Cusanelli and spoke glowingly of the convicted felon.

Still, two days into Pam Bondi’s tenure as AG, things are only getting started. Consider this paragraph of Bondi’s memo entitled, “RESTORING THE INTEGRITY AND CREDIBILITY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,” which attempts to comply with Trump’s Executive Order purporting that DOJ has been weaponized. (See this Lawfare post for links and analysis of all of Bondi’s memos.)

I hereby establish the Weaponization Working Group, which will be led by the Office of the Attorney General and supported by the Office of the Deputy Attorney General, the Office of Legal Policy, the Civil Rights Division, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia, and other personnel as necessary to achieve the objectives set forth herein. The Weaponization Working Group will conduct a review the activities of all departments and agencies exercising civil or criminal enforcement authority of the United States over the last four years, in consultation with the heads of such departments and agencies and consistent with applicable law, to identify instances where a department’s or agency’s conduct appears to have been designed to achieve political objectives or other improper aims rather than pursuing justice or legitimate governmental objectives. The Department of Justice will provide quarterly reports to the White House regarding the progress of the review.

It puts the following people in charge of reviewing whether investigations into Donald Trump were weaponized:

  • Bondi’s own office, barely three months after she signed an amicus in the appeal of his documents case and who also perpetuated some of Trump’s false voter fraud claims
  • The Office of Deputy Attorney General, currently run by Trump’s defense attorney Emil Bove, soon to be run by Trump’s defense attorney Todd Blanche
  • Office of Legal Policy, which will be led by Ken Paxton’s former deputy
  • Civil Rights Division, to which Trump has nominated Harmeet Dillon, who worked for Trump’s campaign in both 2020 and 2024; she also represented the RNC in a Voting Rights lawsuit filed by a Michigan Civil Rights Group
  • The DC US Attorney’s Office, run by Martin, who’s already struggling to contain his conflicts (and who was almost certainly among the 1,000 or so people investigated,  but not charged, for January 6)

Literally every one of the people overseeing this review has a major conflict. If they were ever to file criminal or civil charges against a competent judge, it’d be laughed out of court for all the conflicts. Plus, Bove and Blanche have already made claims about these investigations that have been rejected by judges.

Remember, Bondi promised to consult with career attorneys about such conflicts — but they’ve already reassigned the senior most of them, Brad Weinsheimer.

And this is what Bondi does in a memo claiming to “restore the integrity and credibility of DOJ.”

How to [Attempt to] Get Republicans to Object

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Axios did a piece the other day on the pressure by progressive groups on Democrats to fight harder. It included several quotes saying, “you’ve got the wrong focus.”

Why it matters: Some lawmakers feel their grassroots base is setting expectations too high for what Democrats can actually accomplish as the minority party in both chambers of Congress.

  • Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) told Axios: “What I think we need to do more is: Put the onus on Republicans, so that the calls that we’re getting are directed toward Republicans.”
  • “There has definitely been some tension the last few days where people felt like: you are calling the wrong people. You are literally calling the wrong people,” said one House Democrat.

Blumenthal and his anonymous colleague are not wrong. While Democrats have had some splashy events this week — staging protests at one after another Agency that Musk’s DOGE [sic] has taken over, sending letters and more letters, and filibustering all night before Russ Vought was confirmed on a party line vote — such efforts had the sum effect of getting press attention, laying a foundation going forward, and killing time until the inevitable Vought confirmation. But it didn’t stop the inevitable — nor could it.

Indeed, in the time since Dems have ratcheted up their efforts, Trump has actually had more success with wavering Republicans, security party line votes for two of his most outrageous nominations, Tulsi Gabbard and RFK Jr, from Senators like Susan Collins, Bill Cassidy, and Todd Young. Trump is doing something — it may be primary threats, it may be quiet concessions on other issues, like the Canada tariffs — to get these Senators to vote against their own power.

Meanwhile, contra a really asinine column from Ken Klippenstein conflating a legal strategy largely pursued by civil society with the  media strategy described above, with a few exceptions (like one of two lawsuits that have enjoined Trump from halting grant funding), the lawsuits that have succeeded in slowing the implementation of Trump’s work have been launched by civil society, including unions.

Some of what has been achieved in recent days (see JustSecurity’s Litigation Tracker for others):

  • A bunch of retirees got Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly to limit any access and dissemination of Treasury data to two DOGE people (one of whom resigned after WSJ exposed his support for eugenics), until further litigation. This suit also got statements from DOJ about the access that conflict with public reporting, which may be useful going forward.
  • Some unions got Judge George O’Toole to delay the deadline for the “fork” resignation offer until Monday, allowing further legislation.
  • A dispute over whether DOJ can share a list of FBI agents who worked the January 6 cases outside of DOJ will continue until tomorrow.
  • Both Judge John McConnell (in a case brought by Democratic Attorneys General) and Judge Loren AliKhan (in a case brought by NGOs) enjoined Trump from withholding grant funds.

These are legal judgments, though, and in at least the latter case, Trump seems to be either defying it or unable to reverse steps already taken. Most notably, Head Start programs around the country are having problems accessing their funding, in spite of both the dual injunctions and the Trump administration claims that Head Start would have been exempt anyway.

[A] growing number of Head Start grant recipients, which operate on razor-thin margins, have reported delays in accessing approved grant funding, according to the National Head Start Assn. While most Head Start programs have not experienced major disruptions, some have had no other option but to close down services, while others are scrambling to find other funding sources to keep their doors open, the association said.

As of Thursday — 10 days after the federal freeze was announced — the association said at least 52 programs across 22 states, D.C., and Puerto Rico are still experiencing funding delays. The programs, which serve nearly 20,000 children from birth through age 5, report receiving “pending” or “in process” messages when they request to draw down funds from their grant from an online payment system.

Something more certain happened with USAID. When DOGE [sic] started IDing things to defund, Republicans like John Cornyn and Bill Cassidy called to exempt PEPFAR, the George HW Bush program funding AIDS drugs in poor countries. But even though PEPFAR reportedly got a waiver from cuts, AIDS drugs nevertheless remained in warehouses, inaccessible.

Marco Rubio, who like the sucker he is was belatedly named Acting USAID Administrator just as this started to blow up, tried to avoid accountability for the problems, suggesting that programs were simply incompetent to ask for a waiver.

But Rubio, on a Latin America tour, also said he was issuing waivers which would allow for “immediate” and “life-saving” aid to continue after President Donald Trump ordered a 90-day suspension on taking office.

“I don’t know how much more clear we can be than that,” he told reporters in Costa Rica.

“I would say if some organization is receiving funds from the United States and does not know how to apply a waiver, then I have real questions about the competence of that organization, or I wonder whether they’re deliberately sabotaging it for purposes of making a political point,” said Rubio, a former Republican senator who long voted for foreign assistance.

Nevertheless, Rubio fired all but around three hundred USAID workers (of more than 10,000), waggling around a word, “insubordination,” Trump flunkies elsewhere are using.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who took control of U.S.A.I.D. as acting administrator on Monday, insisted during a Fox News interview this week that the takeover was “not about getting rid of foreign aid.”

“But now we have rank insubordination,” he said, adding that U.S.A.I.D. employees had been “completely uncooperative, so we had no choice but to take dramatic steps to bring this thing under control.”

On Thursday, he reiterated the promise that some workers would be offered exemptions to minimize the hardship of the sudden recall. The pledge was made first in a notice put on the U.S.A.I.D. website Tuesday night that announced that employees around the globe would be put on administrative leave or let go by Friday.

Two unions that represent some of those affected — represented by Democracy Forward, the same legal NGO behind some other lawsuits — sued. In their complaint, they described some of the havoc caused already and explained why Rubio’s chaotic efforts to disclaim the damage fail.

23. As a result of these actions, most functions of the agency immediately halted, with life-threatening consequences. Clinics stopped distributing HIV medication.12 Staff who operate humanitarian operations at refugee camps in Syria were told to stop work, leaving thousands of people vulnerable to instability and violence at the hands of ISIS.13 Soup kitchens that feed nearly a million people in famine-stricken Khartoum were shut down.14 Toddlers in Zambia were deprived of rehydration salts to treat life-threatening diarrhea.15 Doctors at U.S.-funded medical facilities in Sudan that treat severely malnourished children were forced to choose whether to obey Defendants’ orders and “immediately stop their operations or to let up to 100 babies and toddlers die.”16

[snip]

25. Second, on February 1, 2025, the State Department announced a “limited waiver” for “[l]ife-saving HIV care and treatment services, inclusive of HIV testing and counseling, prevention and treatment of opportunistic infections including TB, laboratory services, and procurement and supply chain commodities/medicines” and “[p]revention of mother-to-child transmission services, inclusive of commodities/test kits, medicines and PrEP for pregnant and breastfeeding women.”19

26. These waivers offered little –to no relief for USAID partners who suffered from defendants’ freeze in funding. They were not “self-executing by virtue of the announcement,”20 so contractors and grantees scrambled to reach USAID contacts to ascertain if they were covered by the waiver. But because agency staff had already suffered severe cuts, groups doing lifesaving work were unsure how to request a waiver and received little to no information about the status of such requests.21

Because of the chaotic nature of the attack on the US government, because this is all being done by men who excel, first and foremost, at dodging accountability for their failures, this will continue to happen. Even if Trump claims to exempt stuff, things will still get shut down.

It will not change without some (more public and more aggressive than they’re already provably doing) pushback from Republicans, too. Particularly if and when it becomes clear that Trump is simply defying court orders.

And that’s why Richard Blumenthal is not wrong. There needs to be far more attention focused on Republicans. It’s far too easy — and defeatist — for Democrats to imagine that screaming louder at Democrats will fix this, because the most it will do is provide some nice PR moments.

That’s a huge task. But not impossible, particularly not if more people focus on better messaging to Republicans rather than louder yelling at Democrats.

Make the damage visible and accountable to Republicans

I said from the start of this that the effort to shut down government will make visible things that government does that most people ignore. And the effects are already being felt — and felt in red states. As one example, in the lawsuit against OMB’s recision order, plaintiffs provided this declaration from a tiny West Virginia non-profit helping disabled people stay in their own homes, describing how losing funding has led it to lay off staffers and contemplate withholding services. Among the people affected are an 86-year old woman they bring to her dialysis appointments and a 19-year old who just aged out of foster care who is being trained to work at Goodwill.

These aren’t AOC or Chuck Schumer’s constituents. They are represented by Shelley Moore Capito, Jim Justice, Riley Moore, and Carol Miller (the latter of whom took to YouTube the other day insisting that Trump would take care of WV).

It is more urgent for progressive groups to identify these stories and get calls to Republicans than to flood Democrats with more calls. Better yet, buy billboards advertising how these members of Congress are letting the richest man in the world disrupt the life of an 86-year old diabetes patient.

Importantly, much of this needs to be predictive. Rather than saying, “Trump gave access to grandma’s social security and granny may not get her check,” Democrats should always pin this on Republicans: “Mike Crapo did nothing after DOGE [sic] seized control of Treasury’s computer, and that may lead to Idaho small businesses losing their government loans.

As one of a handful of Senators who’ll always be among potential swing voters, Susan Collins needs to be a specific focus — not because it’ll work, but because she needs to be held accountable for the effect of her capitulations. In an interview with a local outlet, she listed a number of actions she deems illegal, but said she’d still vote for Russ Vought, even though he promised to pursue those illegal activities.

“I do intend to support his nomination,” Collins said. “If there are impoundments, I believe it will end up in court, and my hope is the court will rule in favor of the 1974 impoundment and budget control act.”

Time to start listing all the ways Vought’s foreseeable impoundments of appropriations will hurt Maine residents. More importantly, time to point out that Collins’ role atop the Appropriations Committee — one reason Maine voters might prefer her against a Democrat — is useless if Vought makes her role meaningless.

Until Republican Members of Congress are made to answer to the harm they’re allowing Trump do to their constituents, they’ll instead continue to respond to Elon’s more visceral threats. That vacuum needs to be filled with localized accountability.

Demonstrate the hypocrisy

Republicans know these cuts are disastrous. Most are just too cowardly to say that in public, making it more likely that any lobbying they’re doing to reverse course is in direct conversations with Trump where other quid pro quos (such as votes for unqualified nominees) might be arranged.

But there are ways to make them do so: by relying on their past statements. For example, CNN has a compilation of all the things Marco Rubio has said about USAID.

Rubio on Monday accused the agency of operating as a “global charity,” telling Fox News, “They have basically evolved into an agency that believes that they’re not even a US government agency.”

But a CNN KFile review of Rubio’s past comments shows he has been for more than a decade a major supporter of foreign aid and USAID, which in fiscal year 2023 distributed more than $40 billion in foreign aid to more than 160 different countries.

Rubio’s most recent comments directly contradict years of support and praise he has directed toward USAID, including a tweet he posted in February 2017 that said, “Foreign Aid is not charity. We must make sure it is well spent, but it is less than 1% of budget & critical to our national security.”

During his Fox News interview Monday, Rubio also dismissed concerns that scaling back USAID’s presence could allow China to expand its influence in developing nations.

But just three years ago, Rubio argued the exact opposite, urging the Biden administration in a 2022 letter to prioritize USAID’s funding as a key tool to “counter the Chinese Communist Party’s expanding global influence.”

>A longtime defender of US foreign aid, Rubio pushed back against criticism of the agency in repeated comments uncovered by CNN — defending aid as both vital and a small part of America’s overall fiscal budget.

“We don’t have to give foreign aid. We do so because it furthers our national interest. That’s why we give foreign aid. Now obviously there’s a component to foreign aid that’s humanitarian in scope, and that’s important too,” he said in February 2013.

These comments — and similar ones from other Republicans — can be used as a way to respond to the flood of disinformation from Elon and Karoline Leavitt.

Get hawkish

By abandoning US soft power overseas, the US creates a vacuum for China to fill. Many of the other actions Trump has taken — like insisting that a list of recent CIA recruits, many focused on China, be sent in unclassified email — imperil US efforts to counter China.

Both Elon and Trump have their own venal reasons to suck up to China. And Trump appears to be preparing to sell out Taiwan to China.

This is a specific example of the effort to warn of potential effects, one that could and should deploy the most hawkish language Republicans adopt (albeit focused on the country and the harm to US standing Republicans say China’s rise poses, not the people), not least because it’s an easy way to make Republicans look weak.

Unlike the focus on the 86-year old granny in West Virginia, this is divorced, somewhat, from the pain affecting Americans. But it is nevertheless a visceral issue for many Republicans and their self worth. Trump is selling them out. Make that clear.

No focus on Republicans will have an immediate effect. I’m not saying it will. But when things start falling apart, it’ll mean Democrats have already laid the groundwork for holding Republicans — all of them, not just Musk — accountable. That may not be enough, in the short term, to cure them of their terror of Trump and Musk. But it stops letting them off easy.