Fridays with Nicole Sandler
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In Derek Hines’ reply to Hunter Biden’s opposition to prosecutors somewhat failed bid to substitute summary for proving authenticity of his digital data, Hines accused Abbe Lowell of misunderstanding the digital discovery in the Hunter Biden gun case.
In the remainder of his Response, defense counsel demonstrates (1) they still do not understand the electronic evidence in this case that they received in discovery last fall, and (2) despite claiming they do, they actually have no evidence to give them “reasons to believe that data has been altered and compromised before investigators obtained the electronic material.” Doc. No 151 at p. 1. None of what they claim in their Response is admissible in court, and the government objects to any line of questioning suggesting the trial evidence may have been manipulated because there is no foundation for such questions, they are also irrelevant, and even the inference posed by such a question risks confusing the jury.
As often happens with Mr. Hines (he of the sawdust-as-cocaine error), this seems to be a case of projection.
In an exchange with Judge Maryellen Noreika at last week’s status hearing, Hines suggested that the way to validate digital data that may have been in other people’s hands was to match the content of it to real world events: to tie Hunter’s observation that he was in Delaware to ATM withdrawals made by a guy notorious at Wells Fargo for losing his ATM card.
MR. HINES: Your Honor, one point of clarification I would like to add, too, if I may. So the summary chart, as Your Honor has read, summarizes stuff from Apple. John Paul Mac Isaac, has nothing to do with that data for that production.
THE COURT: I understood that. And as I understood, that’s where the real contest comes in, not from the iCloud, I guess unless the iCloud was backed up at some time during April.
MR. HINES: So it comes from two devices that Hunter Biden had, his phone and his iPad, that were backed up to Apple. John Paul Mac Isaac never had custody of that phone or the iPad at this store. He had the laptop. That stuff that is on the summary chart has nothing to do with what Mr. Lowell is alleging from The Washington Post. What we’re using on the laptop are messages that will be corroborated by a witness in this case who will testify that she sent those messages and received those messages and then a couple of other messages which we have noted on page 3 of our reply. Where there was other corroboration, for example, a message that shows that he’s in Wilmington, Delaware and made an ATM withdraw, that shows that as well. This isn’t some vast array of messages from John Paul Mac Isaac that the Defendant alleges without evidence that he planted into his laptop. To be clear, we’ve asked for reciprocal discovery over and over again. They made this claim in the media that the laptop wasn’t true. We haven’t seen one scintilla, not one message that that isn’t true from the data that law enforcement turned over. And they can’t raise that issue in any meaningful way at trial because there is no evidence of it. We want to make that clear in our reply, the data coming in, and we don’t believe there is any basis for Mr. Lowell to make these kinds of–
To be clear, if Hines is correct that Hallie Biden — the witness he promised, “will testify that she sent those messages and received those messages” — really will validate the messages she and Hunter exchanged in the days immediately after he bought a gun, the entire question of the authenticity of Hunter’s data should be moot.
That’s the most important evidence at trial, because it would (at the very least), show Hunter acknowledging his addiction and probably consuming drugs during the 11 days he owned a gun, going a long way to proving the strongest of three charges against the President’s son.
But David Weiss’ prosecutors are thinking bigger than that.
They’re obsessed with the bacchanalia Hunter had during spring and summer 2018 in Los Angeles, and plan to rely heavily on that — events that transpired before Hunter’s final attempt at recovery before he purchased the gun — to prove his addiction. And they keep claiming the state of Hunter’s addiction after Ketamine treatment from Fox News pundit Keith Ablow shows the state of his addiction in October 2018, when he owned a gun; again, they want to use memoir passages and texts from that period to prove the state of his earlier addiction. There are discontinuities in Hunter’s addiction that make those other periods less probative to the case.
And to submit this evidence, they’re seeking to admit a bunch of communications on either side of rehab attempts that won’t involve a counterpart to Hunter’s communications to validate them, as Hines promises Hallie will for communications during the period Hunter owned the gun.
In this exchange Hines makes some misleading and one outright false claim. He seems to suggest to Judge Noreika that the summary chart only includes stuff from Hunter’s iCloud. He seems to suggest that none of the data in the summary chart went through John Paul Mac Isaac’s hands, when half of it did. Probably that’s just imprecision — a lack of specificity that just some of the messages were from the iCloud, that just some of the messages were from two devices that were backed up to Hunter’s iCloud.
But as to the claim that in addition to the messages that Hallie will validate, there are “a couple of other messages”?!?!
Here’s his description of the “couple” of messages noted on page 3 of the reply.
Messages in Row 85-86 (a message where the defendant says “I need more chore boy,” which is used consistently in the message with how the defendant described “chore boy” in his book), Rows 87 and 135-137 (messages where the defendant says he in Delaware, which is consistent with his ATM withdrawal activity, location information on photographs on his phone, and his admissions in his book), Row 214 (a photograph of the defendant with a crack pipe in his hand), and 216-292 (videos and photographs of the defendant with a crack pipe and drug messages from December to March 2019, consistent with the defendant’s characterization of his activity in his book).
That’s upwards of 80 communications, and he may have excluded a few that don’t involve Hallie (this table breaks out various kinds of comms sourced to the laptop, partly to show outliers, partly to break out comms from the laptop that involve Hallie — marked in pink — and those that do not).
Eighty is not “a couple.”
Even among the texts exchanged with Hallie, I have questions about some, such as the November 3, 2018 text posted without any metadata and with a dark line (as if it came from some other table).
The January 28, 2019 text Hunter sent Hallie, describing that she threw his gun in a dumpster, will be another for which her validation will be key (and for which contextual texts may be pertinent).
I have questions about some of the stuff from iCloud, too — again, because the metadata suggests it does not reflect a backup taken of the device on which the content was captured.
But among the 80-plus other comms, several are presented without the kind of metadata that would make the reliable.
And that’s just what’s included in the summary chart.
Which gets me to the really curious part of Hines’ argument. Both at the hearing and earlier, he impatiently complained that Hunter’s team hadn’t provided any reciprocal discovery — meaning, something like the John Paul Mac Isaac deposition obtained as part of the lawsuit and countersuit (in which a decision has been pending since February). Hines seems to imagine that a witness testifying to altering documents would be the only basis on which Hunter could challenge the authenticity of the digital data prosecutors obtained, whether in public or at trial.
He seems not to have considered whether he already gave Hunter the evidence to challenge the authenticity of such data, using the very same techniques the FBI uses all the time in cybersecurity investigations: the metadata from about six different Hunter Biden accounts.
For his part, Abbe Lowell seems quite certain that some of the material in the FBI’s hands is not authentic. which is different than being confident that some of these communications are.
THE COURT: I understand, but do you disagree if he wants to ask, look, he dropped off the laptop in April, you got it in December, that he can ask that?
MR. HINES: He can ask that timing question, absolutely, Your Honor.
THE COURT: All right.
MR. LOWELL: And one more thing, Judge. I think there may be — I have no quarrel with the point if they have a witness that said I sent this or received this message, of course that’s fine. It’s just that it seems to me their point was they wanted a broad stroke agreement or stipulation that the data is all authentic as opposed to —
THE COURT: And can be tied to Mr. Biden?
MR. LOWELL: Yes. And so I can’t make that because we know to the contrary. I think your point about there might be individual things to raise, if we find that, we will, but I don’t have a disagreement with what you and Mr. Hines just said.
THE COURT: Okay. And I guess we can address that to the extent it comes up in trial. So as I understandit, the government is asking for a ruling that the summary of voluminous messages is appropriate under the Federal Rule of Evidence 1006. Defendant doesn’t object to that. So I will allow this as a summary chart. The government is seeking to have this chart authenticated as of the date that the government received the laptop into federal — some federal agent’s custody. The Defendant does not disagree with that. So I will grant the motion to the extent that is what the motion is seeking.
With respect to whether particular messages on there can be challenged, we will have to take that on a case-by-case basis at the trial.
MR. HINES: Your Honor, on point two that you just read for your ruling, it’s the laptop and the Apple iCloud because the Apple iCloud came into the custody of law enforcement independently of the laptop. I wanted to make sure that was our request as well.
THE COURT: Thank you for that clarification.
MR. LOWELL: One other thing as to what you pointed out in terms of the book. We raised the issue of completeness for their 1006 chart, which we will also talk to them about.
THE COURT: If there is stuff that you want to add.
MR. LOWELL: If not, we will proffer our own if we can’t agree. [my emphasis]
Notably, there has been no discussion of retired Secret Service Agent Robert Savage’s claims that Joseph Ziegler interviewed him based on what both Savage and Hunter claim were fabricated texts; those texts date to the same Los Angeles bacchanalia that Weiss’ team loves.
But being certain that there are some files in Hunter’s digital evidence (and Lowell appears to believe this is true of stuff saved to the iCloud as well) is different than being certain that certain of the communications prosecutors will rely on at trial are fabricated or planted. The import of all this will depend on how much it is — and whether and, if so, how well FBI Agent Erika Jensen, through whom prosecutors wanted to introduce this evidence by using summary in lieu of authentication, can answer questions about digital attribution. She’s likely playing this role because she is not privy to all the technical details about Hunter’s digital data.
Perhaps the most remarkable part of this exchange, however, is that Hines measures this in terms of what is “true,” rather than whether it is “authentic.” “They made this claim in the media that the laptop wasn’t true. We haven’t seen one scintilla, not one message that that isn’t true.” But Hines has already proven that things he deems “true” may not be “authentic.” He claimed, as true, that a message sent by Keith Ablow was a true representation of Hunter’s (powder) cocaine use. Never mind that it was sawdust, not cocaine — that is, it wasn’t even “true.”
But it also wasn’t “authentic.” It wasn’t Hunter’s photo.
This is the mirror image of a logical problem that right wing propagandists (and certain apologists for Russia have) about the laptop and about Russian hack-and-leak efforts: proving something’s authenticity as a way to dodge proving that an authentic message proves the truth claim they’re making. Here, Hines is simply skipping the authentication step (and he may well get away with it).
We shall see next week. Judge Noreika has left the door open to Hunter’s team challenging this digital data (contrary to what some of the reporting on the hearing claimed), and prosecutors have likely left themselves open to more significant challenges by including data that is less probative to their case than the texts Hallie can validate herself.
At the hearing, Judge Noreika also left open the possibility of Hunter submitting on full pages from his memoir, not just the excerpts picked by prosecutors (though her order may be limited to pages, not longer passages).
[T]he motion will be granted in part. The pages offered by the government may be admitted, but the motion is denied to the extent that the government seeks to admit a page from Defendant’s memoir without giving him the opportunity to seek the admission of additional relevant sentences or passages from that same page subject to the Rule of Completeness so long as the statements made meet other requirements for relevance and prejudice. The excerpts by the way still need to come in through a witness.
Now, that being said, I will note that no one has provided me with un-redacted pages from the book, so I can’t tell you at this point whether I view any of the redacted portions to be properly admissible on the Rule of Completeness or the relevance and prejudice, but I do think it’s unfair that Defendant wouldn’t be given an opportunity to establish that.
She has yet to rule on the ATF form doctored after the fact by the gun shop. But Derek Hines did, at least, provide a non-responsive explanation for the source of the three colors on the form.
THE COURT: So you are planning to call Mr. Cleveland. And he is going to say I watched the Defendant fill out the form. I wrote down — did he write down — I noticed that with Mr. Lowell’s motion, he gave me a color copy of the form, which was nice. So is he going to be able to testify who wrote stuff in red, blue, black, whatever?
MR. HINES: Yes, he will. He will testify that Mr. Biden filled out Section A, which is the section that can only be completed by the buyer. And he will testify that he signed the form. You can see his signature on the third page of the form. And then he will testify that Jason Turner filled out Section B of the form. Jason Turner is another employee of StarQuest.
THE COURT: And who filled out — oh, Section B.
MR. HINES: Correct, Section B.
THE COURT: It looks like the same person who makes their zeros like that, but some are in black and some are in red.
MR. HINES: Correct. Based on the information the government has, he will testify that Mr. Turner completed Section B of the form.
Again, prosecutors have a strong case against Hunter Biden. But two of three ways in which they attempted to mitigate the holes in their case have at least partly failed.
Update: Corrected date of November 3 text.
Remember when I noted that there were two sealed dockets that had been deemed “related” to the Henry Cuellar docket?
There are two cases related to this one, 4:24-cr-00089, 4:24-cr-00113, both of which were charged this year, both of which remain sealed. That means several other people involved in this scheme are also being prosecuted.
There are several key participants in this alleged scheme who might be candidates for either parallel prosecution or cooperation deals. For example, one of the Cuellars’ adult children has allegedly been getting a cut of these deals and, in 2021 (both schemes appear to have paused in 2020), took over the Azerbaijani scheme and got payments to close out the Mexican scheme. As noted below, absent that child’s involvement, at least the Azerbaijani side of the indictment would face timeliness problems.
The indictment also describes that a San Antonio associate of Cuellar’s served as middleman for the contract with Mexico, allegedly laundered through Cuellar’s former Chief of Staff; three paragraphs of the indictment describe conversations the San Antonio associate had with Cuellar back in 2015 that must arise from his direct testimony.
They’ve been unsealed.
They belong to the San Antonio associate, Florencio Rendon, and the former Chief of Staff, Mina Strother.
Both entered into cooperation plea deals in early March.
That news comes amid news that several other current Cuellar aides have quit.
Which leaves one thing to be resolved: How DOJ plans to rope the Cueller’s adult child into this, without whose inclusion this prosecution has timeliness problems (though it’s possible they’ll trade that child’s fate for quick pleas).
In other Cueller related news, DOJ filed to start the CIPA process today, doing so at a far earlier point in the prosecution than SDNY did in the Bob Menendez case. I had noted that there where dated, probably intercepted discussions among Azerbaijani officials about recruiting Cuellar. I would imagine DOJ hopes to protect more recent such intercepts via the CIPA process.
I said already, this prosecution is a lot more straightforward than the Menendez one. Particularly if DOJ can leverage the child, this thing may not go to trial.
[NB: check the byline, thanks. /~Rayne]
It’s Friday afternoon and we’re much in need of an open thread.
Centrist Democrat Rep. Henry Cuellar (TX-28) gave us something to talk about to start off this thread. The Department of Justice announced today Cuellar and his wife Imelda have been indicted:
An indictment was unsealed today in the Southern District of Texas charging U.S. Congressman Enrique Roberto “Henry” Cuellar, 68, and his wife, Imelda Cuellar, 67, both of Laredo, Texas, with participating in two schemes involving bribery, unlawful foreign influence, and money laundering. Congressman Cuellar and Imelda Cuellar made their initial court appearance today before U.S. Magistrate Judge Dena Palermo in Houston.
As DOJ notes in its press release, An indictment is merely an allegation. All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.
That said, you’d think a guy with a J.D. would at least avoid the appearance of bribery and money laundering, let alone foreign influence after the last nine years of Trump-y foreign influenced corruption.
Maybe Cuellar thought his firm grip on his House seat over the last 19 years was a permission slip. Maybe his DINO status and the inability of the state of Texas to hold corrupt asshats like state AG Ken Paxton fully accountable assured Cuellar he wouldn’t have to deal with the DOJ.
Whatever the case, Cuellar and his spouse are going to go through something and TX-28 Democrats are unfortunately going to have to come up with a backup plan if Cuellar ends up proven guilty, especially since Cuellar was uncontested in the March primary.
Again, this is an open thread.
According to Person 16 — who has the potty mouth and performed candor we’ve come to expect from Eric Herschmann — Person 5 is a “total moron” — an opinion about Boris Epshteyn that Herschmann has expressed elsewhere.
“I certainly am not relying on any legal analysis from either of you or Boris who — to be clear — I think is an idiot,” Mr. Herschmann wrote in a different email. “When I questioned Boris’s legal experience to work on challenging a presidential election since he appeared to have none — challenges that resulted in multiple court failures — he boasted that he was ‘just having fun,’ while also taking selfies and posting pictures online of his escapades.”
Mr. Corcoran at one point sought to get on the phone with Mr. Herschmann to discuss his testimony, instead of simply sending the written directions, which alarmed Mr. Herschmann, given that Mr. Herschmann was a witness, the emails show.
In language that mirrored the federal statute against witness tampering, Mr. Herschmann told Mr. Corcoran that Mr. Epshteyn, himself under subpoena in Georgia, “should not in any way be involved in trying to influence, delay or prevent my testimony.”
“He is not in a position or qualified to opine on any of these issues,” Mr. Herschmann said.
At that same November 2, 2022 interview, Person 16 went on to tell Jack Smith’s investigators how Person 5 ingratiated himself to Trump after the former President left the White House.
Post January 2021, [Person 5] constantly sent FPOTUS what [he] had uncovered on the election fraud and maneuvered [his] way into FPOTUS’ circle. [Person 16] was unaware of an actual [redacted] for [Person 5], stating it was [Person 5] who would instruct media to report [on him] as [redacted].
I long laughed at the the way that journalist after journalist credited Ephsteyn with playing a role in Trump’s legal defense even while Ephsteyn was billing Trump’s PAC for strategy consulting, not law.
For the entirety of the time that Epshteyn was quarterbacking Trump’s response to the stolen documents probe, someone in his immediate vicinity has been telling reporters that he was playing a legal function, all the while billing Trump for the same old strategic consulting his firm, Georgetown Advisory, normally provides (though the two payments the campaign made to Epshteyn after Trump formalized his candidacy, totalling $30,000, were filed under “communications and legal consulting”).
NYT has, in various stories including Maggie in the byline, described Epshteyn’s role in the stolen documents case as “an in-house counsel who helps coordinate Mr. Trump’s legal efforts,” “in-house counsel for the former president who has become one of his most trusted advisers,” and “who has played a central role in coordinating lawyers on several of the investigations involving Mr. Trump.” Another even describes that Epshteyn “act[ed] as [a] lawyer [] for the Trump campaign.” The other day, Maggie described his role instead as “broader strategic consulting.”
All the time that NYT was describing Epshteyn as playing a legal role — and NYT is in no way alone in this — he was telling the Feds he wasn’t playing a legal function, he was instead playing a strategic consulting one. Many if not most of these stories also post-date the time, in September, when the FBI seized Epshteyn’s phone, which would give him a really good reason to try to claim to be a lawyer and not a political consultant.
According to Person 16, he “believed [Person 5] was now trying to create [redacted] to cover [him] for previous activities. [Person 16] believed [Person 49’s] records may reflect recent [redacted] that did not reflect what actually transpired.”
It was around the time of this interview, in November 2022, when Ephsteyn did start billing for legal services, even while the press was credulously reporting that he had always been serving in a legal role. That happened in the aftermath of Ephsteyn’s phone being seized, in September 2022.
Person 16 also thought that “total moron” Person 5 might have shifted the concern about witness tampering from the January 6 investigation[s] to the stolen document one.
[Person 16] could not recall where the information that the concern about witness tampering was related to the document investigation and not the January 6th Committee. [Person 16] commented that sounded like something [Person 5] would do.
That interview was in November 2022.
In January 2023, according to an exhibit submitted in support of a discovery request for records on all correspondence and/or communications regarding counsel, Jack Smith’s office asked the FBI to pull together the toll records between Person 49 — who may be Susie Wiles, the head of America First PAC — and both Person 5 and Stanley Woodward.
The contacts between Person 49 and Woodward are not that interesting — just four phone calls in fall 2022, when Woodward started representing Kash Patel.
The contacts between Person 5 (whom I suspect is Ephsteyn) and Person 49 (whom I suspect is Wiles) are more interesting.
The contacts started on April 20, 2021, when Person 5 called Person 49, with sustained contact for a few months and then a lapse.
The contacts resumed in September and October 2021 (when the January 6 Committee was ratcheting up).
There were four phone calls in one week in November 2021, and two longer calls in December 2021.
And then nothing, until when Ephsteyn started ingratiating himself in Trump’s orbit after the documents issue went public in February 2022. From that point forward they were “in contact almost daily.”
Of course, these SMS texts might not be that useful. The paragraph of the superseding stolen documents indictment that describes Wiles vetting Carlos De Oliveira’s loyalty before arranging legal representation of him describes that Nauta confirmed his now co-defendant’s loyalty on a Signal chat, not an SMS text.
Just over two weeks after the FBI discovered classified documents in the Storage Room and TRUMP’s office, on August 26, 2022, NAUTA called Trump Employee 5 and said words to the effect of, “someone just wants to make sure Carlos is good.” In response, Trump Employee 5 told NAUTA that DE OLIVEIRA was loyal and that DE OLIVEIRA would not do anything to affect his relationship with TRUMP. That same day, at NAUTA’s request, Trump Employee 5 confirmed in a Signal chat group with NAUTA and the PAC Representative that DE OLIVEIRA was loyal. That same day, TRUMP called DE OLIVEIRA and told DE OLIVEIRA that TRUMP would get DE OLIVEIRA an attorney. [my emphasis]
Among the exhibits included in this request for discovery is a fragment of an interview with Person 49 denying unequivocally that she had done such vetting (as well as an earlier interview in which she said Person 16 was at the forefront of finding lawyers). If this is Wiles, she denied conducting loyalty checks before agreeing to find legal representation for people.
Mind you, that’s not the only place Wiles shows up in the superseding indictment.
In August or September 2021, when he was no longer president, TRUMP met in his office at the Bedminster Club with a representative of his political action committee (the “PAC Representative”). During the meeting, TRUMP commented that an ongoing military operation in Country B was not going well. TRUMP showed the PAC Representative a classified map of Country B and told the PAC Representative that he should not be showing the map to the PAC Representative and to not get too close. The PAC Representative did not have a security clearance or any need-t0-know classified information about the military operation.
That was around the time when Person 49 resumed phone contact with Person 5 again.
This ABC piece talks about what a big deal it is that Wiles might have to testify at trial in the height of a campaign she’s leading (though Aileen Cannon seems dead set on preventing that from happening).
And this post describes how Wiles likely showed up in another Trump-related indictment as the Florida campaign official who interacted — unwittingly — with Yevgeniy Prigozhin’s trolls.
Even eight hours after polls started closing on the Super Tuesday primaries yesterday, I see little of real interest in yesterday’s results.
The biggest news of the day remains that we’re rid of Kristen Sinema, which should make it easier for Ruben Gallego to replace her.
Another big news nugget yesterday confirmed what some had speculated: that when Elon Musk flew to West Palm Beach the other day, it was to allow Trump to beg him for cash. Musk famously demands full board control in business negotiations; imagine how such a discussion would go with Trump’s campaign team, who thus far have run a far more professional show than Trump’s past Presidential elections. Or, for that matter, Xitter under Musk’s direction.
Speaking of Nazi sympathizers, the North Carolina GOP nominated a Black Holocaust denier to run for governor.
Adam Schiff and Steve Garvey will face off to take Dianne Feinstein’s seat — and sadly, the progressives weren’t even close.
Nikki Haley appears to have won Vermont. [Update: At 10AM, Haley will suspend her campaign but not yet endorse Trump.] Joe Biden appears to have lost American Samoa. [Correction: Updated reporting says it was a delegate tie.]
It will take days to figure out how much of Haley’s vote — under 20% in more conservative states and Texas — reflected cross-overs. Similarly, it’ll take some time to understand the significance of protest votes against Joe Biden, the most significant of which was in Minnesota. And given what a weird situation a two incumbent general presents it’ll take days to figure out what the turnout means for Biden and Trump.
One of the most important measures, in my opinion, is in where and how Latinos voted — particularly if Colin Allred, now the Democratic nominee in Texas, has a chance of replacing Ted Cruz. Again, it’ll take days to make sense of that.
The big takeaway right now is that a whole lot of people don’t want to be facing a Trump-Biden rematch. But as of yesterday, it is virtually certain that’s what will happen.