Dewey’s Aspirational View of Democracy
In the last post we looked at John Dewey’s view of democracy based on The Public And Its Problems, which I called a functional view. He explains the minimum requirements for maintaining a democratic form of government. The text for this post is The Ethics of Democracy, published in 1888, when Dewey was 29 and a professor at the University of Michigan. It offers the uplifting vision of democracy that was missing in the prior post. [1]
This is a philosophy paper. I take it to be a statement of the ideal, grounded in the reality Dewey sees, but laying out his hopes for the future if we pursue this ideal. It’s aspirational, not descriptive.
Dewey doesn’t assert that there a foundational principle from which he can reason his way to his views. His argument responds to the ideas of other writers, using them as a way of demonstrating his own thinking. Dewey takes up the ideas of Sir Henry Maines in his book Popular Government, and Plato’s Republic. Plato and other ancient Greek thinkers took as the highest virtue is excellence, arete, in action and contemplation. I think it helps to keep this in mind as we examine this work.
Maine was a British jurist. Dewey reads his book to say that democracy is fragile, accidental, and bound to failure. Dewey quotes Maine saying democracy will end “… in producing monstrous and morbid forms of monarchy and aristocracy.” In short Maine writes a defense of rule by an aristocracy of the best people, which I assume he derives from Plato’s Republic. Maine says democracy is the rule of the many, by which he means a quantitative, numerical form of government derived from the votes of a horde of isolated atomized individuals, all acting solely in their own interest. Dewey says that for Maine, “Democracy is othing but a numerical aggregate, a conglomeration of units.”
Dewey compares society to an organism whose existence emerges from the actions of the people who make it up. Society exists only through the actions of its members, and we only know society by looking at the actions of the members. The success of the society depends on the success of the individuals and vice versa. Dewey claims that this view arises from the Republic.
Dewey thinks that our actions are mediated by our socialization (my word), so that in acting we are not isolated atoms. Instead, each of us is different way of expressing that socialization, and thus part of the group. Dewey thinks that the will of society is expressed in this way, through the combined acts of members. The will of society gains some expression through the functional definition of democracy as selecting and overseeing our officials.
The key point of the paper for me is Dewey’s explanation of the value of democracy, the ethical justification for it. [2] In the first part of the paper, Dewey compares and contrasts aristocracy and democracy, as if they were merely two possible forms of government.
Democracy, like any other polity, has been finely termed the memory of a historic past, the consciousness of a living present, the ideal of the coming future. Democracy, in a word, is a social, that is to say, an ethical conception, and upon its ethical significance is based its significance as governmental. Democracy is a form of government only because it is a form of moral and spiritual association.
Dewey says that aristocracy can make the same claims. But appointing the best and wisest doesn’t work. They become corrupt, or lose sight of the needs and desires of the majority. Every movement to greater democracy increases the number and diversity of the people who operate as the government and who oversee that operation.
Every forward democratic movement is followed by the broadening of the circle of the state, and by more effective oversight that every citizen may be insured the rights belonging to him. P. 21.
The aristocratic ideal is that the wisest force people into the spheres in which they can best serve the state. Dewey is appalled by the idea that the individuals in a society can be pushed around by anyone, let alone a group identifying itself as the best and wisest. He doesn’t say it, but the idea that the wisest know the needs of society is absurdly hubristic. In a democracy, people find their own way into what Dewey calls “their proper positions in the social organism.” P. 21. They take up roles in which they can best carry out the goals of society. They do this as individual persons, each with their own set of attributes.
There is an individualism in democracy which there is not in aristocracy; but it is an ethical, not a numerical individualism; it is an individualism of freedom, of responsibility, of initiative to and for the ethical ideal, not an individualism of lawlessness. In one word, democracy means that personality is the first and final reality. P. 23.
I think we would use personhood instead of personality. I think this means that the full flowering of the individual, with all the influence of society, is the driving force of democracy. It is from this personhood, this ethical individual, that other aspects of democracy emerge: including liberty, equality and fraternity. Dewey gives illustrations of the first two.
Liberty in the dominant view means the freedom to do as one chooses, without regard to any other concern. In this view, the law is meant to punish actions that society deems unacceptable.
Dewey rejects this view. Society creates law, using that term in a broad way to cover statutes and formal rules of the state, moral and cultural demands and taboos, and informal rules of behavior. The law of a society represents its will at any time. The personhood of each individual is formed under the influence of this law. Today we would say that each individual internalizes the law. Thus the exercise of liberty by an individual is controlled by the law as instantiated in that individual. [3]
In this way, liberty is self-restricted, but at the same time, the individual is free to explore the limits imposed by the law, and to seek changes. The individual is required to follow the formal laws and rules, but is free to flout the moral and cultural demands and taboos, and the informal rules, subject, of course, to social sanctions, like shunning and shaming. At bottom, in a democracy, the law is not imposed by an external force. It is shaped by individuals as one of their social roles, and internalized. It’s function is to channel the exercise of liberty.
Turning to equality, the vulgar meaning is numerical equality, equal portions of each desirable good. Dewey says that in a democracy equality has an ethical meaning. It begins with the view that each individual person is equivalent in moral worth to every other individual.
Wherever you have a man, there you have personality, and there is no trace by which one personality may be distinguished from another so as to be set above or below. It means that in every individual there lives an infinite and universal possibility; … . P. 25.
This is the beauty of democracy: every person has the opportunity to become all that they can be, and those possibilities are unlimited. [4]
Discussion
This is a strikingly contemporary vision of democracy. Dewey lays out a set of values associated with democracy that resonate with my own. I wonder how many Republican legislators would support Dewey’s understanding of democracy.
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[1]The views in this paper did not change throughout his life.
At the core of his political thinking are the beliefs that science and democracy are mutually supportive and interdependent enterprises, that they are egalitarian, progressive and rest on habits of open social communication, and that powerful interpretations of liberal individualism and democracy have become ossified and self-defeating.
[2] See pages 19-24. I’m skipping a large part of this paper, There is a lot of it that is obscure. Some of the reasoning feels dated to me. I’m not familiar with the writings of some of the people he quotes. None of that detracts from my admiration for his overall conclusions.
[3] See page 23. I think I have summarized it correctly, but the language is obscure. Comments are welcome.
[4] This conception comports with the views of Elizabeth Anderson, which I discuss in this series. Anderson identifies as a follower of Dewey and a Pragmatist.
You’re gonna make me go dig out bmaz the diagonal outlaw, aren’t you.
Watch this text:
…
…come to life.
Instantiation of the jaywalking laws, mores, and a bunch of other stuff:
Prompted by me, here, cascading down:
https://www.emptywheel.net/2021/01/30/dewey-on-the-state/#comment-880302
An example which — along with lots of other content of this blog, esp. wrt ideals of practice — could be mined for days.
Cheers to fruitful discussion!
Looking at democracy from another angle, Mao Zedong also struggled with the tension between democracy and leadership, “What does democracy consist of? On what forces does it rely? How does it express itself? To some extent, of course, it expresses itself in the ballot box. It also expresses itself in the deliberations of the village councils, in the opinions seeping up through the ranks of the army, in the resolutions of county governments, in the overt signs of change which appear in the political atmosphere of the times. The main task of the leader is to keep his ear to the ground.” [On The New Democracy]
When a Reuters reporter asked him what kind of government he was planning for China, Mao replied, “It will implement Dr Sun Yat-sen’s three principles of democracy, Lincoln’s principle of ‘of the people, by the people, for the people,’ and Roosevelt’s Atlantic Charter. It will assure the independence and unity of the nation and cooperate with all democratic powers”.
Mao retained the Chinese tradition of professional political leaders, organized in what Daniel Bell calls a ‘just hierarchy’ of moral, intellectual, and functional ability. In other words, China is still run by geniuses, recruited by examination, with IQs of 140 or above.
But he insisted that they base their decisions on data, not opinions, and forbade them from even speaking publicly unless they had ascertained all the facts: “Unless you have investigated a problem you will be deprived of the right to speak on it. Is that too harsh? Not at all! When you have not probed a problem and know nothing of its essentials, nor looked into the present facts and their history, whatever you say about it will undoubtedly be nonsense. Talking nonsense solves no problems, as everyone knows, so why is it unjust to deprive you of the right to speak? How can a Communist keep his eyes shut and talk nonsense? It won’t do! It won’t do! You must investigate! You must not talk nonsense!” [OPPOSE BOOK WORSHIP. May 1930]
Things have turned out quite well for democracy in China. The Carter Center has run their elections for decades and popular faith in democracy has risen along with literacy. The average Chinese now values it almost as much as the average Swiss, and much more than the average American.
This description of Mao and China has a certain je ne sais quoi. Perhaps it is its panglossian optimism: Candide, but without the satire. It suggests the hopes of a 1930s writer, imagining the possibilities of the 1917 Revolution, unaware of what came next.
Your citation to Daniel Bell illustrates the perspective, or the lack of it. Bell – a new mandarin, writing from a tenured position at a Chinese university – unapologetically favors the system that rewarded him, an authoritarian neoliberal “meritocracy,” and prefers it over democratic governance.
He seems to miss that “meritocracy” was coined as a pejorative, and that its biases and potential for corruption are as profound as anything it would replace. Its principal accomplishment is to normalize existing power structures, while admitting a few up-and-comers at the margin. Chris Hedges, Henry Giroux, and David Halberstam are among its many critics. Halberstam’s ironically titled bestseller, The Best and the Brightest, in particular, is an acidic critique of mid-20th century American meritocracy.
Bell speaks with the assurance of the lottery winner, convinced after-the-fact that his winning was earned and…inevitable. He also seems to think that it is his brains and productivity that are being rewarded rather than the priorities he promotes. What would happen to his tenured position, I wonder, if he were to suddenly advocate for unwelcome causes, such as civil rights for Uighurs or Hong Kong? Would he then reconsider the importance of systemic laws and rules that constrain the power of the executive and unaccountable bureaucrats to detemine his fate?
This still seems accurate.
However, IIRC he was living before the age of mass media, television, and certainly before 24/7 cable. He lived in a world where people tended to ‘learn from doing’, and he seems to have developed a great respect for it. As an educator, he was attuned to this process.
IMVHO, pragmatism and ‘doing’ are our best hopes from the toxicity of Fox, et al — which can’t deal with reality, because they don’t actually set out to solve problems in any practical manner. They internalize a set of beliefs that are never tested against reality; Dewey would have spotted the problem.
FWIW, the benefits of democracy — when practiced, which requires some semblance of community — is that it allows people to grow and develop more fully than other systems allow.
IMVHO, Dewey may have assumed that any dictatorship can produce ditto heads and bootlickers. But democracy has some elusive magic, which enables people to take on practical problems, and create pragmatic solutions. In doing so, they learn in a cooperative environment, which requires self-management and adherence to external guardrails.
Look at any distinctively American company or institution and you’ll see pragmatism shaping the organizations, which in turn shape the people who support them: research universities, Boeing, the old Bell Labs that reshaped the world, manufacturing know-how, hospital systems, have all had to solve novel problems, by developing practical solutions.
It beats the hell out of superstition.
But the impetus comes by doing, and in order to ‘do’, the individual needs to be able to explore and test out ideas. That can only be done successfully be people who have internalized social constraints.
1. This paper was written in 1889. Only a few years later William Randolph Hearst and his yellow journalism sparked a war. But I take your meaning. We are awash in informational garbage, and it’s really hard to figure out where we are. In chapter 4 of The Public And Its Problems Dewey says that the public is confused and can’t identify itself so as to get organized, so I’m sure he was aware of this problem. It’s just a lot worse, both more subtle and more aggressive than in the 1920s when he wrote the book.
2. This description of learning as doing is spot on. In the last two elections we have seen a great deal more doing by progressives and Democrats generally. The amount of involvement in politics jumped dramatically. LeBron James is a perfect example. First he organized for voting, and now he’s working to encourage people to get involved in legislation: I heard him say on NPR that it was never about one election, but was always to get good laws.
I am sometimes bemused by the way in which democracy is analogous to quantum mechanics with its infinitesimal units, inscrutable movements, and uncertainty principles. Yet somehow it comprises atoms, molecules, planets, galaxies, and more – creating another incomprehensible, well-studied whole…. that will end in the heat death of everything.
Thank you Ed, I’ve been looking forward to this since your last post which mentioned your “high hopes for Dewey’s conception of government”. Though the post also referenced the “influence of the rich and powerful, who come to dominate the system”….
Next time.
This is all really good stuff. I will have to make the time to study it in detail and cite it.
I once mused “Given the practical logistical impossibility of legislating, litigating, or prosecuting every last bit of contentious human interaction, consensus “norms” provide both the mediating lubricants and constraints of civil self-governance.”
https://regionalextensioncenter.blogspot.com/2020/07/define-normal.html
A thought on Int’l Women’s Day, about why it’s more necessary than ever. Case in point: Harvard Law School professor J. Mark Ramseyer, who seems to be auditioning for the Stephen Miller Chair in Women and Colonial Studies. Ramseyer, a specialist on Japan and contracts law, published a paper recently, in which he claimed that women forced into prostitution by the Japanese army during WWII – mostly Korean – were Not slave laborers. They were empowered actors who freely entered into contracts for their services. His apparently predetermined conclusions are that Japan did nothing wrong, has nothing to apologize for, and owes reparations to no one.
Ramseyer is the latest entrant in a wrestling match that has been going on for three generations, over whether and how Japan comes to terms with its war crimes from WWII. Compared to Germany, it has failed. Still, his revisionism would be startling had we not just lived through four years of Stephen Miller, seen fascist parties revive in Germany and Hungary, and seen Poland virtually deny the Holocaust.
In WWII, Korea was a Japanese colony that its army had occupied for over a generation. Japan treated Koreans and Korea much the way Leopold treated the Congolese and the Belgian Congo. In that era, the claim that women had full agency anywhere in the world is suspect. Anywhere in Asia or Japan, it is unlikely. In a deeply conservative Korea, under Japanese military occupation during war time, the idea is dangerous propaganda.
Ramseyer’s claim that tens of thousands of women willingly left their homes and families to become unpaid camp followers is absurd; that they freely chose to have sex scores of times per day, for days on end, with brutal, exhausted soldiers is reprehensible and suggests a deep misogyny. Resistance would have been futile, and most likely dealt with by lethal individual and collective punishment. But Ramseyer’s argument is the sort that wealthy rightwing Japanese patrons have searched for for decades, especially when it comes with the imprimatur of a professor from the Harvard Law School.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/mar/08/harvard-professor-sparks-outrage-with-claims-about-japans-comfort-women
Thanks for writing this – I had been reading Lasch and he seems to find much good in Dewey’s ideas.