Breaking! Torture Is Illegal! Except when Consistent with the Interests of Justice!

Thanks to BoxTurtle for linking to the manual for military commissions rushed out last night in time for the Omar Khadr hearing.

There are a number of interesting details in it, but since Khadr’s hearing today pertains to torture–whether statements he made after allegedly being tortured will be admissible–I thought I’d start with what the manual says about torture. And, ironically, there’s a big section on torture … in the section describing potential charges under military commissions. Here’s how the manual describes the crime of torture:

(11) TORTURE.
a. Text. “Any person subject to this chapter who commits an act specifically intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering (other than pain or suffering incidental to lawful sanctions) upon another person within his custody or physical control for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession, punishment, intimidation, coercion, or any reason based on discrimination of any kind, shall be punished, if death results to one or more of the victims, by death or such other punishment as a military commission under this chapter may direct, and, if death does not result to any of the victims, by such punishment, other than death, as a military commission under this chapter may direct.”

The details for the most part track the analysis done by OLC on torture, including the language on intent:

(3) The accused intended to inflict such severe physical or mental pain or suffering;

But there’s also this, which appears to be a potential loophole:

(6) The conduct took place in the context of and was associated with hostilities.

Now, given that torture is laid out all nice and tidy like that in the military commission manual, you’d think that the discussion of whether evidence collected through the use of torture is admissible might also include some comment about what happens to the people who did the torture if evidence is deemed inadmissible because it was collected using torture. But it doesn’t.

Here’s what the manual says about statements collected using torture.

(1) Exclusion of Statements Obtained by Torture or Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment. No statement, obtained by the use of torture, or by cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment (as defined by section 1003 of the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005 (42 U.S.C. 2000dd)), whether or not under color of law, shall be admissible in a trial by military commission, except against a person accused of torture or such treatment as evidence that the statement was made.

Which would seem to say no evidence collected using torture will be admissible in these military commissions, unless it’s to try to someone for torture.

Except there’s this loophole:

(5) Derivative Evidence.

(A) Evidence Derived from Statements Obtained by Torture or Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment. Evidence derived from a statement that would be excluded under section (a)(1) of this rule may not be received in evidence against an accused who made the statement if the accused makes a timely motion to suppress or an objection, unless the military judge determines by a preponderance of the evidence that—

(i) the evidence would have been obtained even if the statement had not been made; or

(ii) use of such evidence would otherwise be consistent with the interests of justice. [my emphasis]

That is, to exclude evidence collected using torture, the defendant has to make a timely motion to suppress that evidence. Fair enough.

But the military commission can still use the evidence if it decides the evidence would have been obtained anyway (this seems to be a giant wall of protection for evidence collected using a clean team, meaning that evidence that matches tortured confessions but was collected using other means can still be used even if the evidence also came out in a tortured confession).

Or, more troubling, if the military judge decides that using evidence collected using torture “would otherwise be consistent with the interests of justice.”

Here’s what the manual has to say about “interests of justice:”

The intention of Mil. Comm. R. Evid. 304(a)(5) is that the “interests of justice” standard generally will restrict the admission of evidence derived from statements obtained by torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment (other than where the evidence would have been obtained even if the statement had not been made). The admission of evidence derived from a statement that was made incident to lawful conduct during military or intelligence operations and that would not be excluded under section (a)(1) of this rule generally should be regarded as consistent with the interests of justice for purposes of section (a)(5)(B) of this rule.

So torture is illegal. Except when it consists of “lawful conduct during military or intelligence operations,” in which case torture can be regarded as “consistent with the interests of justice.”

Here’s what the manual says about statements made by others under torture (I originally didn’t find this section–this is an update):

(3) Statements from persons other than the accused allegedly produced by coercion. When the degree of coercion inherent in the production of a statement from a person other than the accused offered by either party is disputed, such statement may only be admitted if the military judge finds that—

(A) the totality of the circumstances renders the statement reliable and possessing sufficient probative value;

(B) the interests of justice would best be served by admission of the statement into evidence; and

(C) the statement was not obtained through the use of torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment as defined in section 1003(d) of the Detainee Treatment Act, Pub. L. 109-148 (2005) (codified at 42 U.S.C. 2000dd(d)).

Since this section requires that the coerced statement both serve the interest of justice and that it not be obtained through use of torture, it seems that self-incrimination through torture is allowed, when consistent with the interests of justice, but not the incrimination of others.

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71 replies
  1. BoxTurtle says:

    Translation: Evidence obtained under duress will be allowed when necessary to obtain the desired result.

    Time killing kabuki. That’ll never get past a real judge and this will be in front of a real judge as soon as the kangaroos make a ruling that can be appealed.

    So does this mean that if the defense takes one of the interrogators they’ve located and waterboards him into confessing what he did, that evidence would be admissable and the defense lawyers would be immune from prosecution?

    Boxturtle (Loopholes should work both ways)

    • DeadLast says:

      But then it is an appeal, so the case would not have been “lost” by the justice department. We can then blame the “librul” judges!

      • BoxTurtle says:

        Given the rules on evidence, the only way the DoJ could lose in the commission forum is TOTAL incompetence. Hell, they can make up statements amongst the lawyers, say they came from a protected source, and not only will the evidence be admitted, the “witness” can’t be crossexamined!

        Boxturtle (Keeps hoping we’ll live up to the show trail standards the Soviets set)

    • crossword says:

      Translation: Evidence obtained under duress will be allowed when necessary to obtain the desired result.

      Is that really what this boils down to?
      A question, not a challenge. The legal arena is not my lane.

      • emptywheel says:

        NAL, but I think what it says is:

        1) The fact that a defendant says something under torture doesn’t mean that the same material cannot be admitted if it was also collected via means that did not necessarily require the torture to get.

        2) They won’t introduce evidence that one detainee said under torture about another detainee (which is presumably why they’ve cleared all other charges of anything relying on Abu Zubaydah).

        3) They can use this loophole to introduce what a tortured detainee said about himself, though they plan to limit this to stuff they consider legal torture in cases where the judge thinks it is really important. So maybe they use evidence collected using severe sleep deprivation for some big case, but not to convict a Taliban baker? But that’s just a guess.

        • Mary says:

          And it can work kinda like this –

          1. A tortures B. To stop the torture, B says “C” is Big Mega Terrorist with operational info. B is eventually insane from his torture and has no advocate in the Obama admin, DOJ, or military and so he sits in his forever detention as an insane shell.

          2. A tortures C. C was never a Big Mega Terrorist and has no operational info (although maybe C admists to the contrary under torture). C lives, isn’t insane, and is eventually unequivocally cleared.

          3. C claims torture. A can use B’s statements to “prove” that A’s state of mind was such that A lacked “specific intent” to torture C, since A thought C was a Big Mega Terrorist with operational info and so A’s intent was to save the world, not commit torture.

          tongue only partly in cheek

        • pdaly says:

          ew, welcome back from your trip.
          OT: you used to work in the oil industry, too? You’ve been keeping an eye on Cheney for a while now…

          WRT these summaries:

          1) The fact that a defendant says something under torture doesn’t mean that the same material cannot be admitted if it was also collected via means that did not necessarily require the torture to get.

          2) They won’t introduce evidence that one detainee said under torture about another detainee (which is presumably why they’ve cleared all other charges of anything relying on Abu Zubaydah).

          3) They can use this loophole to introduce what a tortured detainee said about himself, though they plan to limit this to stuff they consider legal torture in cases where the judge thinks it is really important. So maybe they use evidence collected using severe sleep deprivation for some big case, but not to convict a Taliban baker? But that’s just a guess.

          Why wouldn’t #1 be proof that ‘torture is unnecessary’, #2 be a bold attempt to legalize the witholding of ‘exculpatory evidence’, and #3 how do they get around the word “torture” in the phrase ‘legal torture’ without triggering war crime/Geneva Conventions violation/federal crime inquiries? (I suppose ‘legal torture’ is our term for clarification –a clarification that our government would avoid).

      • bmaz says:

        Heh, well that has pretty much been the view and that big “change” thing has not panned out, so I think it is still a fair bet.

  2. klynn says:

    So does this mean that if the defense takes one of the interrogators they’ve located and waterboards him into confessing what he did, that evidence would be admissable and the defense lawyers would be immune from prosecution?

    Oh wouldn’t that cause a bunch of tantrums.

    BT needs to write a book of parenthetical statements.

  3. earlofhuntingdon says:

    Loophole on loophole. There’s this, relating to intentionally inflicting pain or suffering [in 11(a)]:

    other than pain or suffering incidental to lawful sanctions

    Excluding statements made following torture, etc., “except against a person accused of torture or such treatment as evidence that the statement was made” seems to mimic traditional evidence laws, such as those that admit evidence not as fact but to show someone’s state of mind or to impeach a witness for having made a prior inconsistent statement.

    Whether the trier of fact actually limits their use of that often highly prejudicial information to such purpose is open to debate. Here, it would be more useful if the statement following torture were admitted solely for the purpose of establishing the elements of the crime a torturer is alleged to have committed.

    The derivative evidence rule is big enough for a Hummer. “The interests of justice”? From which perspectives, protecting the rights of the accused and limiting incentives for captors to abuse their power? How does one establish that evidence would have been obtained, but for torture, or for multiple layers of tortured evidence?

    Why must the exclusion be an affirmative defense, why must the defendant first object before the judge refuses to admit tortured evidence. How is a sleep-deprived, abused, tortured, drugged and beaten prisoner expected to know which statements he made and which were made under torture, as opposed to what the court might conclude is harsh, but legal treatment incidental to the conduct of hostilities?

    These defendants aren’t allowed to see their own notes or to confront or know the identities of those who interrogated them. They are rarely allowed to see their own defense counsel and must assume all such communications are monitored. The asymetrical burdens are considerable.

    • Mary says:

      What EOH said, esp with respect to the other many (and varied) uses separate from proof “that the statement was made” such a thing could be used for.

      And of course, the much hugerbigger issue is there too – the military’s confrontation of clean teaming.

      Bc while use of statements obtained “by” torture is (with huge loopholes and huge issues as to what is torture, how does the military commission reallyknow what was done to the detainee at various stages and how will the military commission’s determination on that issue be subject to review) kindasorta excluded, at least for demonstrating that the statement was made (as opposed to state of mind, etc.) –

      – quasi-exclusion of statements obtained “by” efforts that a military commission defines as “torture” does NOT EXCLUDE those self-same statements made at the torture facility, while held by the torturers, but to someone not actively torturing the detainee at the time.

  4. earlofhuntingdon says:

    Needless to say, but this being post-Bush America I should take that back, neither prosecutors nor Gitmo defense counsel nor the military tribunal heads will be able to make sense of these rules after studying them for less than a dozen hours.

    As the Toronto Star’s Michelle Shephard points out, Internet and other telecoms and other facilities at Gitmo remain rudimentary, despite the hundreds of millions spent on that base since Shrub left Texas. One suspects the base commander’s resources are more than adequate, which means the paucity of reliable communications for others is a feature, not a bug, another facet to this government’s conduct of its asymetrical warfare.

  5. earlofhuntingdon says:

    Not O/T, but a collateral point about this and related posts. Like EW, the Toronto Star’s Michelle Shephard writes in a manner journalists should copy, rather than in the milquetoast terms the ueber-careful New York Times has adopted for every story not about Manhattan. From her April 26th summary of the impending hearings for Khadr, Mr. Obama’s “war crimes test case” (emphasis added):

    As the historic first test of the amended military laws, some have made comparisons to the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders, but experts scoff.

    In one sentence, she gives the claims of both sides to a hotly contested dispute, but makes an “everyman” judgment based on the apparent relative credibility of those claims, after having interviewed experts on the subject. It is a practice the American media has abandoned (except for Fox, which does it in reverse). She continues,

    “It’s actually in no way like Nuremberg,” said Eugene Fidell, a professor of military law at Yale. [The Times’ Elizabeth Bumiller would have asked John Yoo.]

    “This case doesn’t involve the leader of the opposing force, it’s not the head of the Taliban, it’s not the head of Al Qaeda. It’s small fries. If anything it’s like the follow-on trials that were held in (Nuremberg) Germany after World War II – if that.”

    Even so, the political optics of having Khadr as the star of a showcase trial has some in Washington uncomfortable. Or as one high-ranking official in the administration who spoke to the Star on the condition of anonymity said: “Let’s just say it has many people scratching their heads.”

    That last quote is anonymous, but it’s a “color quote” that is not central to her story. Compare that to the abundance of anonymous quotes Bumiller and her peers at the Times and Post use to make their central arguments.

    Thank you, Ms. Shephard, and thank you, Marcy, for continuing to show us that good journalism is not dead; it has fallen victim to a kind of Gresham’s Law and to too much money spent on the wrong talking heads.

    [Modified and x-posted from Attackerman.]

  6. thatvisionthing says:

    So many words. Stop, stop. Just say: Calvinball.

    The United States of Calvinball.

    The Department of Calvinball.

    President Calvinball.

    I get it.

    I’m sorry, a Manual of Calvinball seems so…. Calvinball.

    (shame)

    (anger)

  7. ackack says:

    What I find so hard to believe, is that the government can sponsor, and then release, such double-talk with a figurative straight face.

    It is clear they are certain no one is paying attention.

    This so far exceeds hypocrisy I have no idea if there is even a word for it.

  8. ondelette says:

    Some comments:
    1) The para on Torture is exactly the para from the MCA of 2006 on the same, except that it puts in place the punishments that are listed elsewhere in the MCA. That’s where your “language of intent” comes from.
    2) earlofhuntington@5, your “loophole on loophole” is a direct quote from the Convention Against Torture.

    Marcy, your comment,

    So torture is illegal. Except when it consists of “lawful conduct during military or intelligence operations,” in which case torture can be regarded as “consistent with the interests of justice.”

    is accurate, the “lawful conduct” most probably refers to the cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment cleared when practiced outside the U.S. by U.S. personnel in the Rasul v. Myers case by the DC Circuit, and stamped with approval by the Supreme Court when they denied the appeal of the plaintiffs. In essence, these two courts made legal the interpretations of Yoo and Bradbury that if practiced outside the U.S. on prisoners who were not being punished, the reservations that the Senate wrote about Article 16 of the CAT apply, and since not on U.S. soil means no 5th Amendment due process rights under Johnson v. Eisenstrager, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment is legal as long as they do it someplace else.

    • PJEvans says:

      And they’ll use whatever definition of ‘US soil’ gets them a better chance at introducing that evidence. (Basing that on their ‘is/isn’t’ talk about Gitmo.)

    • earlofhuntingdon says:

      The question is the interpretation of pain or suffering “other than pain or suffering incidental to lawful sanctions”. The bootstrapping used by this and the prior administration, and the extreme legal arguments they have made, belies any notion that the exception will be reasonable or limited.

      That seems especially unlikely where the administration considers that its reputation and electoral prospects are on the line, as they are in a midterm election year, and when its most visible (if weakest) test case for its new and improved military commissions will be tried.

    • spanishinquisition says:

      “since not on U.S. soil means no 5th Amendment due process rights under Johnson v. Eisenstrager, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment is legal as long as they do it someplace else.”

      That’s why Obama is such a fan of Bagram. What Obama is doing with Gitmo is just one big sick joke. He makes it look like people just have something against Cuba rather than what was done there as all Obama is doing is just shifting the locations and changing the terms while keeping the status quo.

    • bmaz says:

      Yeah, I am not so sure how much the civil decisions will transfer to what are effectively criminal proceedings and especially that decision in Rasul based on qualified immunity; so I think that and the Eisentrager cite are completely misplaced.

      • ondelette says:

        The question is whether or not the Due Process Clause applies. The argument is that the only people entitled to protection under Article 16 are those who have rights under the 5th, 8th, and 14th Amendments. If the clause doesn’t apply, then supposedly the article isn’t in effect, meaning that apparently the 8th Amendment question is solved/decided (?!?). The argument was that the clause doesn’t apply except on U.S. sovereign soil (which means not even at Guantánamo). Are you saying it applies to persons outside the U.S. in criminal cases when it doesn’t apply in civil cases? How does that work, since the issue is standing?

        Regardless, there is no prohibition of using information taken by CIDT in court, in the CAT.

        • bmaz says:

          I do not know the ultimate answer, but hell yes I can distinguish the discussion and basis in Rasul (both of them) from the Gitmo Show Trials; especially in light of the type of analysis in Boumediene. Whether that argument prevails or not (it should, but hey this is the US you know), I would absolutely be screaming it.

  9. harpie says:

    Luckily, they don’t have to consider this complicated and questionable nonsense:

    “Rules relating to the conduct of combatants and the protection of prisoners of war”
    Extract from “Basic rules of the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols” [Emphasis in original]
    http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/57jmjt?opendocument

    The guarantees of judicial procedure form part of the fundamental guarantees, which means that they must be accorded even to prisoners whose status of prisoner of war is not recognized.

    Judicial procedure must be regular, i.e. it must include at least the following guarantees: the accused to be informed without delay of the particulars of the offence he is alleged to have committed, which must have constituted an offence at the time it was committed; presumption of innocence; no coercion on a prisoner to force him to confess judgement to be pronounced in the presence of the accused and, in principle, publicly. The prisoner cannot be punished more than once for the same act or on the same charge if it is based on the same law and the same judicial procedure.[III, 86, 99; P. I, 75]

    The rights of defence are recognized and guaranteed and, accordingly, the prisoner of war shall be entitled to be assisted by one of his fellow prisoners, to be defended by a qualified attorney of his own choice, to call witnesses and, if he thinks it necessary, to employ the services of a competent interpreter. On the same conditions as members of the armed forces of the Detaining Power, he will have the right of appeal with a view to quashing or revising the sentence pronounced on him; any judgement and sentence shall be immediately reported to the Protecting Power. [III, 105,106; P. I, 75]

  10. thatvisionthing says:

    IANAL, IAAC. And the way I learned it (before the Constitution was zhrppd by those entrusted with its preservation, protection and defense) was that justice was decided by a jury of the accused peers — not by the government, not by the king, not by stooges and mangled words, but by common sense, common decency, reality checking and balancing, we the people.

    So, fail. And I guess they’ll be the last to know, or admit it. But the court of public opinion is always in session.

  11. dagoril says:

    What an outrage. Torture is never consistent with Justice. What the hell have these people done with my country?!

  12. goto100 says:

    This was a 15 year old boy. Under several treaties to which your country is signatory, you are obliged to treat him as a child soldier, and offer him rehabilitation. On top of that, the charges against him are beyond ludicrous. And instead of respecting your obligations, you tortured him.

    There is nothing left to say about the United States of America. It is a barbarous nation. It will continue its decreasing circles around the drain until it is finally sucked under.

    You are not part of the civilised world any more.

      • goto100 says:

        But it’s only getting worse, year after year, and in spite of all the noise from, well, from this blog and nothing much else actually. You should all get out of there. It’s beyond saving as I’ve said before.

        • bobschacht says:

          Go peddle your wares elsewhere. We’re busily trying to save America, and EW is doing one heckuva job. We have the Spotlight feature to help us spread the word to the media.

          Bob in AZ

    • thatvisionthing says:

      YES. But. That’s not America. Watching what’s happened to this country is kind of like watching the Grinch steal Christmas. Take away all the boxes and wrapping and trees and ornaments and noisemakers and even the feast and the last candy cane. Bag it all up and steal it away. The government, the money, bag it all up and steal it away. Done. But as long as we have hands to clasp, Christmas will still come and I’m looking for America to reconstitute itself too, from the inside out, from the bottom up. God I love weeds. They’re so healthy and hopeful. Sickness either heals or dies. I wish ours would hurry up, because this is just pain and shame.

        • thatvisionthing says:

          You don’t know weeds.

          I mean, don’t you think it’s funny, at that CSRT, that it’s Khalid Sheikh Mohammed talking about the Constitution and George Washington and fairness? It’s perfect. I rest my case.

    • ondelette says:

      The treaty (Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Rights of a Child in Armed Conflict) to which you refer makes a distinction between children strictly under 15 and those 15 and older. If he were under 15 at the time of capture, they aren’t even allowed to hold him past rehabilitation and reunion.

      The 15 year old distinction comes about because the preamble to the OP notes as reason for the protocol that the Rome Statute declares it a war crime to employ or enlist a child under 15 to fight. Therefore, such children are victims, only, of that war crime. They can’t even be held for security reasons.

      That comes up because Mohammad Jawad was probably under 15 when apprehended. It doesn’t come up with Omar Khadr. The fact that the U.S. had an obligation to rehabilitate and release him does, though.

      • bmaz says:

        Of course, the US does not necessarily adhere to the Rome Statute if you know what I mean. (tongue slightly in cheek).

        • ondelette says:

          The U.S. doesn’t have to. It is acknowledged in the preamble of the OP, which the U.S. has signed and ratified. The only U.S. relevant reservation to the OP is that the U.S. states that its participation in the OP shall not make its citizens liable to prosecution in the ICC.

          The point with Rasul v. Myers is that they used the same language that Yoo and Bradbury used about CIDT, and got no slap on the wrist from the Supreme Court. And the criterion for jurisdiction was different, it didn’t have to do with effective control (as in GITMO and Boumediene) it had to do with access to the 5th amendment. It’s based on the CAT reservations, not on the applicability of habeas.

          With respect to Mary’s post @29, the history of both the Geneva Conventions provision of “regularly constituted court” and the creation of the UCMJ are relevant. The reason for the language in all of common Article 3 is that there was a proposal by the Red Cross called the Stockholm proposal in 1948, to make all armed conflict, including non-international, subject to the entire Geneva Conventions. It was rejected on grounds that there was no way to keep “brigands” from declaring themselves to be at war in order to access protections (sound familiar?). So condensations and boiling down to basic humanities were done, and the items in the list, prohibiting torture, taking of hostages, and requiring a “regularly constituted court, affording all the judicial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples,” are all shorthands for longer lists. The point was exactly what it was called in 1986 by the ICJ, “essential guarantees of humanity”.

          Meanwhile, the UCMJ was formed because the Supreme Court was on the Congress’ back about the Articles of War. As evidenced in the Vanderbilt Report, the goal was to convert the Articles from a “system of discipline” to a “system of justice”. At least one reason (item 9 in the preamble) was to comply with the Geneva Conventions that prisoners be subject to the same justice as the military. Consequently, it was supposed, as Mary notes, to have ended ad hoc tribunals and commissions altogether, and all enemy combatants subject to war crimes trials were to be tried, as per the contemporary view of the Geneva protections, in courts martial. Anything else is technically a “reprisal” according to the Geneva commentaries, and falls under the ban on “taking hostages”.

          The relevant Geneva commentaries are here, the Vanderbilt Report is here.

          There was never supposed to be a system of punishments for illegitimacy of combatants or a new round of military commissions. The U.S. began going off course in 1987 and has veered towards what the Bushies did ever since.

        • ondelette says:

          Oh. Then how come CIDT came up at the hearings for Eric Holder at the Judiciary Committee and they all acted like there was no threat that it would be made illegal?

        • ondelette says:

          Oh come on, why the put-down? Counselor?

          Please explain pages 34 and 42 of the Rasul v. Myers case, where the court clearly states that sovereign territory is the issue, that with regards to the 5th amendment (and 8th) Guantánamo is not sovereign territory, Boumediene notwithstanding, and that the plaintiffs have no due process rights under the 5th amendment.

          Those are precisely the rights necessary to make CIDT illegal as written into the reservations the Senate wrote for the Convention Against Torture. If they don’t have those rights, the decision makes CIDT legal offshore.

          You may tell me what’s wrong with the argument, Counselor, but don’t play the, “Oh, you stupid non-lawyer, an explanation is soo beneath me.”

        • bmaz says:

          I already explained that, and I am not going to get into another protracted discussion just to satiate your obtuseness. I learned my lesson with you the last time.

        • ondelette says:

          I apologize if you took offense. You should not confuse my disagreement with you on the Gruber case with my attempts to have you discuss this here. You said something about there being a difference on whether those amendments applied between a civil and criminal case, I want to know what that difference is, please.

          I have my set of red flags when it comes to international law, spec. international humanitarian law usually, but in this case the CAT. One of them is the applicability of the 5th, 8th, and 14th amendments. The decision makes statements that they don’t apply, even in Guantánamo. In a normal world, the reservations made by the Senate would be interpreted as meaning that the U.S. believed that those amendments defined what we understood by CIDT. It has not been a normal world for a few years. And it isn’t easy to even understand some of the “good” decisions by the Supreme Court, since sometimes it seems they are starting fresh from scratch every time they look at an IHL issue, and even the Hamdan decision seems to agree (and lower courts have interpreted it that way) that a decision can be made on the status of a group of prisoners, collectively (e.g. that they are from al Qaeda means they are entitled only to common Article 3 protections), which is antithetical to the Geneva Conventions.

          I our not so normal world, the Senate reservations are gradually being accepted as meaning what John Yoo said they meant: that if a prisoner has rights under those amendments, then they have protection from CIDT.

          So you see my red flag. I want to know why you’re not concerned about it. For real. Not because I’m being obtuse, but because I don’t understand. And I’m not happy with that decision and its language.

      • goto100 says:

        Thanks for the clarification of exactly what the treaty says. Of course, it’s academic. Your government ignores any law it pleases whenever it wants to. International, or national, it makes no difference any more.

        There is no way to win through these courts. Not with this government.

        • ondelette says:

          There is also Article 77 of the 1st Additional Protocol which makes a special distinction at the age of 15. The U.S. has not ratified the protocol, but has stated that, with regards to Article 77,

          Likewise, we support the principle that women and children be the
          object of special respect and protection, that women be protected
          against rape and indecent assault, and that all feasible measures be
          taken in order that children under the age of fifteen do not take a direct
          part in hostilities.” We support the principle that no state arrange
          for the evacuation of children except for temporary evacuation where
          compelling reasons of the health or medical treatment of the children
          or their safety, except in occupied territory, so require. These principles
          are contained in articles 76, 77, and 78. We also support the principle
          that journalists be protected as civilians under the Conventions, provided
          they take no action adversely affecting such status. This principle
          can be found in article 79.

          (Michael J. Matheson, recorded in American University J. Int. Law and Policy 2(2), p. 428, speaking at the Sixth Annual American Red Cross – Washington College of Law Conference on International Humanitarian Law: A Workshop on Customary International Law and the Protocols Additional to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, as Deputy Legal Adviser to the U.S. Department of State, 1987.)

  13. Mary says:

    I’m too swamped for much involvement today, but even though EW is going to throw cybershoes at me for mentioning this without really going into it and spelling it out, there is an overarching problem with military commissions that is just not “fixable” even with really wonderful rules, regulations and statutory directives.

    Military commissions are NOT military tribunals or vehicles for military law. Military commissions owe their existence to a collapse or failure of both civilian and military law giving rise to such extreme exigencies that military despotism can be substituted for military or civilian law.

    You have civilian law. You have military law. You have commissions where both fail to cover the situations or have collapsed AND you have such exigent circumstances that a military commander over an area must take extra-legal action (action outside both military and civilian law) to establish order.

    There would have been some small argument for a battlefield military commission in the then-failed state of Afghanistan if the US had captured Bin Laden or others.

    There is NO ARGUMENT that can support the use of military commissions at this late date, with respect to people who have not only been shipped to GITMO, but also over whom CIVILIAN COURTS HAVE ASSERTED HABEAS JURISDICTION!

    You can not claim the kind of failed civilian government justification for commissions that you have in a falling city overrun with chaos and looting etc. setting with respect to detainees at GITMO.

    Yes, that’s an oversimplification, but it gets to some of the heart of the problem. A commission had appeal for the very reason that it is NOT a Geneva conforming tribunal and it is NOT really constrained by any law – civilian OR military. There’s a reason why, until now, there were never any attempts to establish “rules” for military commissions. They owe their very existence to the current and impending exigencies of chaotic implosion.

    To take those held in military custody while our civilian courts are not only open and operating, but have affirmatively asserted jurisdiction over those held for habeas purposes, and try to graft rules of some kind onto what has always been born only of chaos – military commissions – is like pinning all kinds chicken parts on a donkey and waiting for the donkey to start laying eggs.

    • mattcarmody says:

      Military commissions were Philip Sheridan’s answer to the anomie that was prevalent in Louisiana in the wake of the Colfax massacre and Justice Brady’s tacit message to the white terrorists that the Enforcement Acts and the Civil War amendments did not apply to the states.

      We’ve had an answer to this since Milligan but those who want to weaken respect for the rule of law in this country, like they’ve weakened our constitutional system of governance, are intent on sending a message to the increasingly frightened masses out in Amerikkka that a new way is needed to protect the country from aliens (extraterrestrial and illegal), liberals, and anyone else who looks or thinks differently than your average Bircher.

    • earlofhuntingdon says:

      Neither you nor Dawn Johnsen can expect to be hired by Obama’s new and improved OLC or any other entity that is supposed to tell his government that the law occasionally, ever so slightly and tangentially, might possibly could sometimes but ever so slightly limit the powers and reach of the government’s chief executive and its military forces’ commander-in-chief. (I note that distinction in titles and roles not for your benefit, but for the benefit of those readers from Arizona who think there isn’t one.)

    • bmaz says:

      Um, could you expand on that a bit in light of the two military commissions acts and the, at least in dicta if not more directly, indication by the Supremes that commissions might be a permissible exercise of legislative power?

      • Mary says:

        Yes I can (believe it or not *g*) – but not right here or today.

        It takes a bit to walk through it and I don’t disagree (or agree necessarily – I’m a bit agnostic) that the legislature can take even something like military commissions and, under the legislature’s power to set rules for the military, set rules for what the military can or can’t do EVEN IN the kinds of chaotic setting which would give birth to a commission.

        I also agree that the legislature can call something a commission, but by its approach actually be establishing a civilian court or a military tribunual with the properly established guidelines to make it a “regularly constituted” Geneva and constitutionally compliant tribunal (although he “previously established in compliance with pre-existing laws” aspect of both Geneva and our Constitution will be called into question to the extent such new exercises of legislative power are applied retroactively).

        But that isn’t what is going on and I really do need to put my take together and let some of the guys with military backgrounds rip it or not. I just have had too many horse and people and work issues the last 10 days or so to really dig in and do it.

    • Jeff Kaye says:

      So, then, are the military commissions a stalking horse for the “national security courts” some are advocating?

      From the Atlantic:

      [Andrew McCarthy] thinks the best solution is for Congress to create a new National Security Court independent of the executive branch. Other leading experts agree. They include moderate Democrat Neal Katyal, the Georgetown law professor who (much to McCarthy’s regret) won the Supreme Court ruling last June that President Bush’s military commissions were illegal.

      These and other experts disagree on the difficult details. But most agree that the new court should be staffed by already serving federal judges from around the country, to be chosen by the chief justice based on their fitness for the assignment. The judges would take time from their regular duties to review military detentions, plus any war-crimes convictions by the congressionally reconstituted military commissions.

      Some see the 29-year-old Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court as a model.

      I’m thinking, right now, of Groucho’s old expression: “Whatever it is, I’m against it.”

  14. earlofhuntingdon says:

    Rule 916, Defenses (pdf 140 et seq.), makes clear that this “manual” advances substantive law, not only evidentiary and procedural rules.

  15. earlofhuntingdon says:

    The section on attorney-client privilege is Rule 502, starting on p. III-20, pdf. 217. At first blush, it seems to mirror state law descriptions of the reach of client confidentiality, that it is the client’s right, not the lawyers, etc. The issue most likely to arise is the government’s claims regarding this exception:

    (d) Exceptions. There is no privilege under this rule under the following circumstances:

    (1) Crime or fraud. If the communication clearly contemplated the future commission of a fraud or crime or if services of the lawyer were sought or obtained to enable or aid anyone to commit or plan to commit what the client knew or reasonably should have known to be a crime or fraud;

    There are some, former Air Force General Boykin, for example, who regard being Muslim a continuing crime. There are others who think that talking to anyone in or outside Gitmo about what happened to them in Gitmo or who they saw there or who interrogated them there to be a possible crime.

    Such communications, with limited exceptions, are sacrosanct in domestic law, too. Bush/Obama claim not to listen in on domestic attorney-client communications, but their security apparatus almost certainly picks up such communications. I doubt that any journalist reporting from or defense lawyer working at Gitmo feels confident that their communications remain confidential.

    The reach of this exception as applied in Gitmo will be something to watch, along with related rules about the procedures to be used and frequency with which lawyers can talk to their clients.

  16. jawbone says:

    I realize this content is from a manual for military commissions, but I was wondering how this might affect how our military will view the use of torture, how our soldiers will be taught.

    Will these nicely written exceptions be applied to soldiers in the field and how they may treat prisoners?

    Or, will there be different standards for different, uh, purposes?

  17. Romberry says:

    I can’t believe that Democrats will let the Bush administration do this. Can’t wait until we get a Democrat in the White House. It’ll all be different then.

  18. ondelette says:

    You’re the second lawyer that has refused explanation with a silence. I’m getting the feeling that the lawyers just don’t know. Or don’t want to touch it. Meanwhile, fundamental human rights are going the way of the dodo.

    Nobody in the legal community, save Charles Swift, gave a shit about the Siddiqui case, either. Look how that turned out. We the People can lose our rights because lawyers don’t care. Even caring lawyers sometimes don’t care. Or don’t know. Even knowing lawyers sometimes don’t know. I’m not in that community. I’m in the humanitarian community. I have a perceived obligation to Article 144 of the 4th Geneva Convention that I spend time on. A lot of time. And I want to know why you lawyers don’t think that a threat to CAT, which increasingly is used to define terms in Geneva and the protocols, isn’t a major international human rights and humanitarian law issue. And I want to know if there’s a flaw in my thinking, and why the Geneva commentaries are so at odds with the Supreme Court interpretations of Geneva. And a lot of other questions.

    But apparently, no lawyer wants to answer them. Just: you’re not a lawyer so you wouldn’t understand. Fine. You probably wouldn’t understand a subobject classifier or a countable intersection of dense sets on a Baire space either, but if you wanted me to explain it to you, I would.

    • thatvisionthing says:

      I’m not the person you’re looking to hear from, but I want to thank you for all your attempts here to make sense of these proceedings. I left three comments above, one was about how the way I learned it juries were supposed to be the deciders of trials, one was about how these proceedings look like Calvinball, and one was a link to the purest moment of justice in this whole war crime debacle I can point to. You get my drift, I am bottom up. Where you stand depends on where you sit? I sit way low. Hey, most everybody sits way low. And when justice is a matter of torturing semantics to be beyond the reach of the lowly masses, those deciders may not get it but that is FAIL. They have made their proceedings and results illegitimate and irrelevant in the most literal sense of the word.

      Show me a fair construction of the law and a fair application of the law where Dick Cheney and George Bush are apt to be charged and tried just like Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Osama bin Laden, and then I’ll say… well actually I’ll be dumbfounded.

      I read the transcript of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed’s CSRT (thank you ACLU) and the guy can barely speak English, yet I totally get this:

      DETAINEE: So, finally it’s your war but the problem is no definitions of many words. It would be widely definite that many people be oppressed. Because war, for sure, there will be victims. When I said I’m not happy that three thousand been killed in America. I feel sorry even. I don’t like to kill children and the kids. Never Islam are, give me green light to kill peoples. Killing, as in the Christianity, Jews, and Islam, are prohibited. But there are exception of rule when you are killing people in Iraq. You said we have to do it. We don’t like Saddam. But this is the way to deal with Saddam. Same thing you are saying. Same language you use, I use. When you are invading two-thirds of Mexican, you call your war manifest destiny. It up to you to call it what you want. But other side are calling you oppressors. If now George Washington. If now we were living in the Revolutionary War and George Washington he being arrested through Britain. For sure he, they would consider him enemy combatant. But American they consider him as hero. This right the any Revolutionary War they will be as George Washington or Britain. So we are considered American Army bases which we have from seventies in Iraq. Also, in the Saudi Arabian, Kuwait, Qatar, and Bahrain. This is kind of invasion. But I’m not here to convince you, is not or not, but mostly speech is ask you to be fair with people. I’m don’t have anything to say that I’m not enemy. This is why the language of any war in the world is killing. I mean the language of the war is victims. I don’t like to kill people. I feel very sorry they been killed kids in 9/11. What I will do? This is the language. Sometime I want to make great awakening between American to stop foreign policy in our land. I know American people are torturing us from seventies. [redacted] I know they talking about human rights. And I know it is against American Constitution, against American laws. But they said every law, they have exceptions, this is your bad luck you been part of the exception of our laws.

      Last thing, about the shame of it all? It’s not just the shame of turning American law into Calvinball. It’s the shame of missing the chance to show what the Constitution can do when taken out of mothballs and actually tried, used, sails set and put to sea, where “she will show by the beauty of her motion the skill of her builders.” How free she runs. That’s the trial we need.

  19. ondelette says:

    I bolded the places where I believe the DC Circuit Court has clearly ruled that habeas is a jurisdictional matter, and due process a constitutional one, and that those outside the geographical U.S. (non-resident aliens) have no due process rights, or 8th amendment rights. I wasn’t saying it because I thought it would be nice and obtuse to say so, the court specifically stated that the Supreme Court had only overruled it on habeas because it didn’t require constitutional rights only court jurisdiction, but did not on due process rights. bmaz asserts that this is something that has to do with what kind of case this is, and I don’t understand, since that isn’t the language used by the Court. Yes, there is a question of whether or not the defendants should have known this was the law, but they handle it by saying, essentially, that they could not have, since it isn’t the law. That’s how they put it, that their statements on lack of constitutional rights have not been reversed by the Supreme Court. But, as bmaz rightly points out, I’m not a lawyer. So it would be very nice if a lawyer, especially one like bmaz who understands this decision so clearly, would explain these passages.

    ca pp31-33 Rasul v. Myers:

    The plaintiffs nonetheless assert that Boumediene conflicts with the Supreme Court’s holding in Rasul. Rasul reversed our decision in Al Odah v. United States, 321 F.3d 1134 (D.C. Cir. 2003), in which we had held that the federal court’s habeas jurisdiction did not extend to aliens detained by United States military forces outside the United States. 321 F.3d at 1144. Although the holding was limited to the jurisdictional question, the Al Odah opinion included a discussion of whether basic constitutional protections were available to aliens abroad. Relying on Eisentrager, inter alia, we concluded that detainees were not entitled to due process, id. at 1141, and accordingly, “[w]e cannot see why, or how, the writ may be made available to aliens abroad when basic constitutional protections are not.” But in Rasul, the Supreme Court, significantly, did not reach the issue of whether Guantanamo detainees possess constitutional rights and instead based its holding on 28 U.S.C. § 2241 only. Rasul, 542 U.S. at 478-84. For example, the Court explained that “persons detained outside the territorial jurisdiction of any federal district court no longer need rely on the Constitution as the source of their right to federal habeas review.” Id. at 478. It emphasized that “[w]hat is presently at stake is only whether the federal courts have jurisdiction to determine the legality of the Executive’s potentially indefinite detention of individuals who claim to be wholly innocent of wrongdoing.” Id. at 485. Thus, Boumediene does not conflict with Rasul and remains the law of this Circuit.15

    Even assuming arguendo the detainees can assert their Fifth and Eighth Amendment claims, those claims are nonetheless subject to the defendants’ assertion of qualified immunity. In determining whether qualified immunity applies, as we earlier noted,16 the court must first determine whether “[t]aken in the light most favorable to the party asserting the injury . . . the facts alleged show the officer’s conduct violated a constitutional right.” Saucier, 533 U.S. at 201. “[I]f a violation could be made out on a favorable view of the parties’ submissions, the next, sequential step is to ask whether the right was clearly established.” Id. at 201. “A constitutional right was ‘clearly established’ at the time of the events in question only if ‘[t]he contours of the right [were] sufficiently clear that a reasonable officer would understand that what he [was] doing violate[d] that right.’” Butera v. District of Columbia, 235 F.3d 637, 646 (D.C. Cir. 2001) (quoting Anderson v. Creighton, 483 U.S. 635, 640 (1987) (alterations in Butera)).17

    The plaintiffs argue that a reasonable person would have been on notice that the defendants’ alleged conduct was unconstitutional because the “prohibition on torture is universally accepted.” Appellants’ Br. 38. The issue we must decide, however, is whether the rights the plaintiffs press under the Fifth and Eighth Amendments were clearly established at the
    time of the alleged violations.

    An examination of the law at the time the plaintiffs were detained reveals that even before Boumediene, courts did not bestow constitutional rights on aliens located outside sovereign United States territory. Supreme Court and Circuit precedent, consistent with Eisentrager’s rejection of the proposition “that the Fifth Amendment confers rights upon all persons, whatever their nationality, wherever they are located and whatever their offenses,” concluded that non-resident aliens enjoy no constitutional rights. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. at 783; see, e.g., Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. at 269 (Fourth Amendment did not apply to the search and seizure of an alien’s Mexican residence); Jifry v. FAA, 370 F.3d 1174, 1182 (D.C. Cir. 2004), cert. denied, 543 U.S. 1146 (2005) (“The Supreme Court has long held that non-resident aliens who have insufficient contacts with the United States are not entitled to Fifth Amendment protections.”); People’s Mojahedin Org. of Iran. v. U.S. Dep’t of State, 182 F.3d 17, 22 (D.C. Cir. 1999) (“A foreign entity without property or presence in this country has no constitutional rights, under the due process clause or otherwise.”); Cuban Am. Bar Ass’n v. Christopher, 43 F.3d 1412, 1428 (11th Cir. 1995) (Cuban and Haitian refugees at Guantanamo Bay lacked First and Fifth Amendment rights). In light of this precedent, we agree with the district court that “[t]he plaintiffs have provided no case law, and the court finds none, supporting a conclusion that military officials would have been aware, in light of the state of the law at the time, that detainees should be afforded the rights they now claim.” 414 F. Supp. 2d at 44.

    ca. p. 42

    Because RFRA’s purpose was thus to restore what, in the Congress’s view, is the free exercise of religion guaranteed by the Constitution, “person” as used in RFRA should be interpreted as it is in constitutional provisions. Cf. Wachovia Bank v. Schmidt, 546 U.S. 303, 315-316 (2006) (“[U]nder the in pari materia canon of statutory construction, statutes addressing the same subject matter generally should be read ‘as if they were one law.’” (quoting Erlenbaugh v. United States, 409 U.S. 239, 243 (1972))); United States v. Ursery, 518 U.S. 267, 304-05 (1996) (“[T]he Double Jeopardy Clause is part of the same Amendment as the Self-Incrimination Clause, and ought to be interpreted in pari materia.”). Construing “person” as used in the Fifth Amendment,23 the Supreme Court held almost sixty years ago that German nationals who were convicted of war crimes and held at a U.S. army base in Germany were not “persons” under
    the Fifth Amendment and rejected the notion “that the Fifth Amendment confers rights upon all persons, whatever their nationality, wherever they are located and whatever their offenses.” Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. at 783.24 More recently, the Supreme Court held that “people” as used in the Fourth Amendment25 does not include non-resident aliens. In United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, the Court held that the Fourth Amendment did not apply to the DEA’s search and seizure of an alien’s Mexican residence. 494 U.S. 259, 269 (1990). Citing Eisentrager’s “rejection of extraterritorial application of the Fifth Amendment,” the Court explained that “[i]f such is true of the Fifth Amendment, which speaks in the relatively universal term of ‘person,’ it would seem even more true with respect to the Fourth Amendment, which applies only to ‘the people.’” Id; see also Boumediene, 476 F.3d at 991-92(finding it “‘well established that certain constitutional protections available to persons inside the United States are unavailable to aliens outside our geographic borders.’” (quoting
    Zadvydas v. Davis, 533 U.S. 678, 693 (2001)).

    We believe that RFRA’s use of “person” should be interpreted consistently with the Supreme Court’s interpretation of “person” in the Fifth Amendment and “people” in the Fourth Amendment to exclude non-resident aliens. Because the plaintiffs are aliens and were located outside sovereign United States territory at the time their alleged RFRA claim arose,26 they do not fall with the definition of “person.” Accordingly, the district court erred in denying the defendants’ motion to dismiss the plaintiffs’ RFRA claim.

    For the foregoing reasons, we affirm the district’s court’s dismissal of counts I, II, III, IV, V and VI of the plaintiffs’ complaint and reverse the district court’s denial of the defendants’ motion to dismiss count VII thereof.

    So ordered.

    • bmaz says:

      We went through this the last time you got uppity and demanding here. I am not your personal research service. I told you the backbone of my reasoning; if you don’t like it, that is your problem; you no more have to accept my assertion than I did yours. Quite frankly I have other things to do than cater to a demanding and obstinate mind like yours. If I find time later, and I have the inclination (right now I certainly do not in light of your demanding attitude) I will delve into the discussion further.

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