The Protective Order on Khadr’s Interrogators and the John Adams Project
In addition to the bombshell that Omar Khadr’s military commission will start Wednesday, less than a day after lawyers in the case will have received the thick manual laying out the rules for the newfangled military commissions, Gitmo released one more thing today: the protective order covering “intelligence identities” that applied to Khadr’s old-fangled military commission. (h/t Carol Rosenberg)
Given the witch hunt launched against the John Adams project (in which detainee lawyers employed investigators to figure out the identity of detainees’ torturers, in response to which the CIA has been demanding the lawyers be charged with violating the Intelligence Identities Protection Act), I’m particularly interested in this language (assuming, of course, that these protective orders are fairly standard).
2. Accordingly, IT IS HEREBY ORDERED:
a. Names or other identifying information of intelligence personnel that have been or may, from time to time, be disseminated to or obtained by the Defense Counsel for the accused, may be disclosed to members of the Defense team, such as paralegals, investigators, and administrative staff, with an official need to know. However, such information shall not be disclosed to the accused or to anyone outside of the Defense team other than the Military Commission panel subject to the limitations below;
b. Unless disclosure has been authorized by the Military Judge, names or other identifying information of any intelligence personnel shall not be disclosed in open court or in any unsealed filing. Any mention of the name or other identifying information of intelligence personnel must occur in closed session and any filing to the Military Commission panel that includes such information shall be filed under seal.
First, let’s read a: “Names or other identifying information of intelligence personnel that have been or may, from time to time, be disseminated to or obtained by the Defense Counsel for the accused”–note they don’t explain why those intelligence personnel would have been disclosed to defense counsel. And they also describe both “names” and “identifying information”–which would presumably include photographs (the CIA is particularly pissed that pictures of interrogators have been passed among detainees at Gitmo).
It goes on: “However, such information shall not be disclosed to the accused.” I’m curious what you lawyers think about this? Is there a parallel in civilian trials? In any case, the protective order makes it clear that the government is trying to protect these identities, first of all, from disclosure to those who were abused by said intelligence personnel.
Then there’s part b: “Unless disclosure has been authorized by the Military Judge, names or other identifying information of any intelligence personnel shall not be disclosed in open court or in any unsealed filing.” Call me picky, but this seems to be sloppy writing here. Since this passage does not refer explicitly back to part a, it would seem that the prohibition on disclosing “such information” would not be limited to information “disseminated” to lawyers for the accused. And in any case, part a includes language about information “obtained by” lawyers for the accused.
What is the significance of this for lawyers who, in an attempt to get information not disseminated (and therefore witnesses who may have exonerating information not produced) have gotten investigators to find out the identities of those who tortured their clients? Furthermore, note that the protective order doesn’t qualify the limit of those whose identities are protected here at all. What happens if a defense lawyer doesn’t know if someone is an intelligence professional but has a suspicion that the person might have been the guy who tortured his client, and in any case is probably a contractor? Does showing the client a picture count as disclosing identifying information, even if the only one who can confirm that the person in question is affiliated (however loosely) with US intelligence is your client?
In any case, this protective order only calls for sanctions, not the IIPA charges that CIA seems to be clamoring for. And this protective order appears to have been operative in 2007, not necessarily 2009 and 2010. I’m not a lawyer, but if the CIA is trying to equate this with security agreements in order to criminally charge defense attorneys, I’m skeptical it’ll work.
But it does give one snapshot of how Kafkaesque the Bush-era military commission process was (as distinct from how Kafkaesque the Obama-era one day rule cramming is).
Reposted from this post because I feel it’s relevant:
Thanks for your take on this, EW.
Is it likely that this order will be challenged in court?
Bob in AZ
My guess is that most of this is novel and untried, like these military commissions and their newly minted rules of evidence and procedure.
In a mundane analogy, if local police cite you for a traffic violation, but the officer fails to show and to give evidence based on firsthand observation of the claimed illegal behavior and to allow you to cross-examine him or her in open court, the judge dismisses the case.
This order is akin to saying the defendant is not allowed to know what that officer saw or witnessed your behavior, not allowed to cross examine them, and not allowed to know what that officer did when s/he dragged you out of your car and applied a night stick where a suppository is supposed to go, which behavior might make any evidence obtained against you inadmissible.
Protecting intelligence identities is of vital national concern. Clearly, even with federal statutes on point, that concern is not absolute. Mr. Bush did not think so when his government outed Valerie Plame. It ought not to be when there is credible evidence that someone with such a claimed identity – employed by or working as a contractor or subcontractor for the government – committed a felony in the course of such work, which felony materially affects the viability of the case against the defendant.
I am not a lawyer, but I think the word you’re looking for is “Star Chamber” trial
high everybody
(drive-by wave)
Certainly the accused deserve this information.
Public knowledge of individuals who practiced (or practice) torture, American or not, is in the public interest as well. These military people or contractors walk among us or will. If I lived in Seattle I would steer clear of Jensen and Mitchell, as I would any “underling” who I knew practiced torture, for my family’s safety and mental health. If someone was told to torture and did torture, well, that is precisely why I want to know who they are- and I am not a torture victim needing evidence.
Well, technically it’s Spokane. The screwed up thing is … how the heck do you know? You can’t just start every bar conversation: “Hi, did you ever hang out with the CIA torturing people?”. Kind of creepy to think about. I fully expect at some point for the local news to reveal a guy with his own basement torture chambers and half a dozen captives snatched from the street kids.
I don’t mean to deflect the real needs of lawyers and victims in these military tribunals. But this is human behavior that should not be sanctioned on any level and I am just a citizen.
I am the daughter of a POW and there is no allowance to be made for anyone over the age of 18 who behaves barbarically because they were “told to” or “ordered to”. …wonder if witness protection will be warped to recreate lives for some of these guilty Americans.
But it does give one snapshot of how Kafkaesque the Bush-era military commission process was (as distinct from how Kafkaesque the Obama-era one day rule cramming is).
(my bold)
Kafkaesque has been flying around our house lately.
If there are no identities, there are no torturers.
Not sure what the lawyers will think of your cited paragraph. But this person is being charged with war crimes (however dubious that charge is) in a military tribunal. International humanitarian law would seem to be the rule of law.
Common Article 3 is considered to not only be fundamental IHL, but to be “essential considerations of humanity” (Nicaragua v. U.S.A., 1986). It provides that,
What that clause means was delineated in Article 75 of the 1st Additional Protocols of 1977, an article that is known in IHL as the “Fundamental Guarantees”, for that reason. The U.S. acknowledges Article 75 as customary IHL (1987, Michael J. Matheson). Paragraph (4) states (my bold):
I am aware that the MCA of 2006 attempted to rewrite the War Crimes Act to give the President the right to decide what is and is not a war crime. The above is customary IHL, and in the case of common Article 3, also statutory IHL, and is therefore the supreme law of the land according to Article 6 of the U.S. Constitution. In the case of Article 3, all the nations in the world have signed and ratified it, in the case of Article 75, 160 nations have signed and ratified it and others, in particular the U.S. have acceded to it as customary. It is binding and it says that defendants can confront their witnesses in court. End of story.
Khadr is being charged with crimes – murder, attempted murder – that are not war crimes, in a forum that has no jurisdiction over such crimes. He is alleged to have violated a US federal statute that did not exist at the time those alleged actions took place. He was also a child at the time of those alleged actions, which either makes questionable his ability to be charged with murder and/or gives him the protections awarded a “child soldier” under the relevant treaty in force at the time of those alleged actions.
Mr. Obama has chosen as a centerpiece for his new and improved Bush military tribunals one of the weakest and most incendiary cases he inherited – and has since wholeheartedly adopted – from George W. Bush and Dick Cheney. It mocks everything he claims to believe in and have stood for, and what this society has accepted as its aspiration for justice for two centuries. He has adopted the practices of that oxymoron known as Texas justice.
To provide some context regarding the related protective order process used in the Guantanamo habeas cases in federal court:
Judge Joyce Hens Green of the D.C. District, who ruled as follows, in January, 2005, in a group of consolidated Guantanamo (Uighur) cases that later became part of Boumediene…:
…issued a lengthy Protective Order in those cases on November 8, 2004 (amending and adding to an earlier – DOD-written? – Protective Order which is attached as Exhibit A):
Further context regarding the timeline of the then-ongoing cases and appeals is provided by this July, 2007 (so pre-Boumediene) posting by a Ninth Circuit federal public defender involved in the habeas appeals:
Judge Green’s Protective Order was eventually superceded (though much of its language was retained) by the September 11, 2008 Protective Order issued by Chief Judge Hogan in the wake of Boumediene, for habeas cases then resuming in the D.C. District:
The new Protective Order was put into perspective this way in one detainee’s case, in June, 2009, by Judge Richard Roberts (who is also overseeing Abu Zubaydah’s habeas petition):
One other pertinent section of Steve Sady’s July, 2007 account is worth highlighting, as it demonstrates the gross imbalance of power between what the government is and has been able to get away with, and what the many gagged pro bono and other attorneys are confronted with in trying to diligently represent Guantanamo detainees: